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marriage

124 paragraphs · about 44 minutes · 18 chapters

The paragraphs in the index’s own groups, a chapter to each, in the order the index prints them, and in the order of the book within each. A paragraph read in an earlier chapter is named in one line.

marriage its own citations 0 paragraphs

Paper 82, The Evolution of Marriage, is cited whole. Read it in the reader ›

Paper 83, The Marriage Institution, is cited whole. Read it in the reader ›

Paper 84, Marriage and Family Life, is cited whole. Read it in the reader ›

always linked with property and religion 7 paragraphs

82:4.1Mar­riage has al­ways been closely linked with both prop­erty and re­li­gion. Prop­erty has been the sta­bi­lizer of mar­riage; re­li­gion, the mor­al­izer.

82:4.2Prim­i­tive mar­riage was an in­vest­ment, an eco­nomic spec­u­la­tion; it was more a mat­ter of busi­ness than an af­fair of flir­ta­tion. The an­cients mar­ried for the ad­van­tage and wel­fare of the group; where­fore their mar­riages were planned and ar­ranged by the group, their par­ents and el­ders. And that the prop­erty mores were ef­fec­tive in sta­bi­liz­ing the mar­riage in­sti­tu­tion is borne out by the fact that mar­riage was more per­ma­nent among the early tribes than it is among many mod­ern peo­ples.

82:5.3Re­li­gion has long been an ef­fec­tive bar­rier against out­mar­riage; many re­li­gious teach­ings have pro­scribed mar­riage out­side the faith. Woman has usu­ally fa­vored the prac­tice of in-mar­riage; man, out­mar­riage. Prop­erty has al­ways in­flu­enced mar­riage, and some­times, in an ef­fort to con­serve prop­erty within a clan, mores have arisen com­pelling women to choose hus­bands within their fa­thers’ tribes. Rul­ings of this sort led to a great mul­ti­pli­ca­tion of cousin mar­riages. In-mat­ing was also prac­ticed in an ef­fort to pre­serve craft se­crets; skilled work­men sought to keep the knowl­edge of their craft within the fam­ily.

83:0.2Mar­riage has been many times in jeop­ardy, and the mar­riage mores have drawn heav­ily on both prop­erty and re­li­gion for sup­port; but the real in­flu­ence which for­ever safe­guards mar­riage and the re­sul­tant fam­ily is the sim­ple and in­nate bi­o­logic fact that men and women pos­i­tively will not live with­out each other, be they the most prim­i­tive sav­ages or the most cul­tured mor­tals.

83:1.1Mar­riage is so­ci­ety’s mech­a­nism de­signed to reg­u­late and con­trol those many hu­man re­la­tions which arise out of the phys­i­cal fact of bi­sex­u­al­ity. As such an in­sti­tu­tion, mar­riage func­tions in two di­rec­tions:

83:1.21. In the reg­u­la­tion of per­sonal sex re­la­tions.

83:1.32. In the reg­u­la­tion of de­scent, in­her­i­tance, suc­ces­sion, and so­cial or­der, this be­ing its older and orig­i­nal func­tion.

among primitives 53 paragraphs, 3 read above

64:4.2800,000 years ago game was abun­dant; many species of deer, as well as ele­phants and hip­popota­muses, roamed over Eu­rope. Cat­tle were plen­ti­ful; horses and wolves were ev­ery­where. The Ne­an­derthalers were great hunters, and the tribes in France were the first to adopt the prac­tice of giv­ing the most suc­cess­ful hunters the choice of women for wives.

69:4.1Just as mar­riage by con­tract fol­lowed mar­riage by cap­ture, so trade by barter fol­lowed seizure by raids. But a long pe­riod of piracy in­ter­vened be­tween the early prac­tices of silent barter and the later trade by mod­ern ex­change meth­ods.

69:9.7In ear­li­est times women were the prop­erty of the com­mu­nity, and the mother dom­i­nated the fam­ily. The early chiefs owned all the land and were pro­pri­etors of all the women; mar­riage re­quired the con­sent of the tribal ruler. With the pass­ing of com­mu­nism, women were held in­di­vid­u­ally, and the fa­ther grad­u­ally as­sumed do­mes­tic con­trol. Thus the home had its be­gin­ning, and the pre­vail­ing polyg­a­mous cus­toms were grad­u­ally dis­placed by mo­nog­amy. (Polygamy is the sur­vival of the fe­male-slav­ery el­e­ment in mar­riage. Mo­nog­amy is the slave-free ideal of the match­less as­so­ci­a­tion of one man and one woman in the ex­qui­site en­ter­prise of home build­ing, off­spring rear­ing, mu­tual cul­ture, and self-im­prove­ment.)

70:10.6The Old Tes­ta­ment re­cords one of these or­deals, a mar­i­tal guilt test: If a man sus­pected his wife of be­ing un­true to him, he took her to the priest and stated his sus­pi­cions, af­ter which the priest would pre­pare a con­coc­tion con­sist­ing of holy wa­ter and sweep­ings from the tem­ple floor. Af­ter due cer­e­mony, in­clud­ing threat­en­ing curses, the ac­cused wife was made to drink the nasty po­tion. If she was guilty, “the wa­ter that causes the curse shall en­ter into her and be­come bit­ter, and her belly shall swell, and her thighs shall rot, and the woman shall be ac­cursed among her peo­ple.” If, by any chance, any woman could quaff this filthy draught and not show symp­toms of phys­i­cal ill­ness, she was ac­quit­ted of the charges made by her jeal­ous hus­band.

74:6.9The prac­tice of some sub­se­quent na­tions of per­mit­ting the royal fam­i­lies, sup­pos­edly de­scended from the gods, to marry brother to sis­ter, dates from the tra­di­tions of the Adamic off­spring—mat­ing, as they must needs, with one an­other. The mar­riage cer­e­monies of the first and sec­ond gen­er­a­tions of the Gar­den were al­ways per­formed by Adam and Eve.

75:3.8The fate­ful meet­ing oc­curred dur­ing the twi­light hours of the au­tumn evening, not far from the home of Adam. Eve had never be­fore met the beau­ti­ful and en­thu­si­as­tic Cano—and he was a mag­nif­i­cent spec­i­men of the sur­vival of the su­pe­rior physique and out­stand­ing in­tel­lect of his re­mote pro­gen­i­tors of the Prince’s staff. And Cano also thor­oughly be­lieved in the righ­teous­ness of the Ser­a­p­ata­tia project. (Out­side of the Gar­den, mul­ti­ple mat­ing was a com­mon prac­tice.)

82:3.1Mar­riage is the in­sti­tu­tional re­sponse of the so­cial or­gan­ism to the ever-pres­ent bi­o­logic ten­sion of man’s un­remit­ting urge to re­pro­duc­tion—self-prop­a­ga­tion. Mat­ing is uni­ver­sally nat­u­ral, and as so­ci­ety evolved from the sim­ple to the com­plex, there was a cor­re­spond­ing evo­lu­tion of the mat­ing mores, the gen­e­sis of the mar­i­tal in­sti­tu­tion. Wher­ever so­cial evo­lu­tion has pro­gressed to the stage at which mores are gen­er­ated, mar­riage will be found as an evolv­ing in­sti­tu­tion.

82:3.2There al­ways have been and al­ways will be two dis­tinct realms of mar­riage: the mores, the laws reg­u­lat­ing the ex­ter­nal as­pects of mat­ing, and the oth­er­wise se­cret and per­sonal re­la­tions of men and women. Al­ways has the in­di­vid­ual been re­bel­lious against the sex reg­u­la­tions im­posed by so­ci­ety; and this is the rea­son for this age­long sex prob­lem: Self-main­te­nance is in­di­vid­ual but is car­ried on by the group; self-per­pet­u­a­tion is so­cial but is se­cured by in­di­vid­ual im­pulse.

82:3.3The mores, when re­spected, have am­ple power to re­strain and con­trol the sex urge, as has been shown among all races. Mar­riage stan­dards have al­ways been a true in­di­ca­tor of the cur­rent power of the mores and the func­tional in­tegrity of the civil gov­ern­ment. But the early sex and mat­ing mores were a mass of in­con­sis­tent and crude reg­u­la­tions. Par­ents, chil­dren, rel­a­tives, and so­ci­ety all had con­flict­ing in­ter­ests in the mar­riage reg­u­la­tions. But in spite of all this, those races which ex­alted and prac­ticed mar­riage nat­u­rally evolved to higher lev­els and sur­vived in in­creased num­bers.

82:3.4In prim­i­tive times mar­riage was the price of so­cial stand­ing; the pos­ses­sion of a wife was a badge of dis­tinc­tion. The sav­age looked upon his wed­ding day as mark­ing his en­trance upon re­spon­si­bil­ity and man­hood. In one age, mar­riage has been looked upon as a so­cial duty; in an­other, as a re­li­gious obli­ga­tion; and in still an­other, as a po­lit­i­cal re­quire­ment to pro­vide cit­i­zens for the state.

82:3.5Many early tribes re­quired feats of steal­ing as a qual­i­fi­ca­tion for mar­riage; later peo­ples sub­sti­tuted for such raid­ing for­ays, ath­letic con­tests and com­pet­i­tive games. The win­ners in these con­tests were awarded the first prize—choice of the sea­son’s brides. Among the head-hunters a youth might not marry un­til he pos­sessed at least one head, al­though such skulls were some­times pur­chasable. As the buy­ing of wives de­clined, they were won by rid­dle con­tests, a prac­tice that still sur­vives among many groups of the black man.

82:3.6With ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion, cer­tain tribes put the se­vere mar­riage tests of male en­durance in the hands of the women; they thus were able to fa­vor the men of their choice. These mar­riage tests em­braced skill in hunt­ing, fight­ing, and abil­ity to pro­vide for a fam­ily. The groom was long re­quired to en­ter the bride’s fam­ily for at least one year, there to live and la­bor and prove that he was wor­thy of the wife he sought.

82:3.7The qual­i­fi­ca­tions of a wife were the abil­ity to per­form hard work and to bear chil­dren. She was re­quired to ex­e­cute a cer­tain piece of ag­ri­cul­tural work within a given time. And if she had borne a child be­fore mar­riage, she was all the more valu­able; her fer­til­ity was thus as­sured.

82:3.8The fact that an­cient peo­ples re­garded it as a dis­grace, or even a sin, not to be mar­ried, ex­plains the ori­gin of child mar­riages; since one must be mar­ried, the ear­lier the bet­ter. It was also a gen­eral be­lief that un­mar­ried per­sons could not en­ter spir­it­land, and this was a fur­ther in­cen­tive to child mar­riages even at birth and some­times be­fore birth, con­tin­gent upon sex. The an­cients be­lieved that even the dead must be mar­ried. The orig­i­nal match­mak­ers were em­ployed to ne­go­ti­ate mar­riages for de­ceased in­di­vid­u­als. One par­ent would ar­range for these in­ter­me­di­aries to ef­fect the mar­riage of a dead son with a dead daugh­ter of an­other fam­ily.

82:3.9Among later peo­ples, pu­berty was the com­mon age of mar­riage, but this has ad­vanced in di­rect pro­por­tion to the prog­ress of civ­i­liza­tion. Early in so­cial evo­lu­tion pe­cu­liar and celi­bate or­ders of both men and women arose; they were started and main­tained by in­di­vid­u­als more or less lack­ing nor­mal sex urge.

82:3.10Many tribes al­lowed mem­bers of the rul­ing group to have sex re­la­tions with the bride just be­fore she was to be given to her hus­band. Each of these men would give the girl a pres­ent, and this was the ori­gin of the cus­tom of giv­ing wed­ding pres­ents. Among some groups it was ex­pected that a young woman would earn her dowry, which con­sisted of the pres­ents re­ceived in re­ward for her sex ser­vice in the bride’s ex­hi­bi­tion hall.

82:3.11Some tribes mar­ried the young men to the wid­ows and older women and then, when they were sub­se­quently left wid­ow­ers, would al­low them to marry the young girls, thus in­sur­ing, as they ex­pressed it, that both par­ents would not be fools, as they con­ceived would be the case if two youths were al­lowed to mate. Other tribes lim­ited mat­ing to sim­i­lar age groups. It was the lim­i­ta­tion of mar­riage to cer­tain age groups that first gave ori­gin to ideas of in­cest. (In In­dia there are even now no age re­stric­tions on mar­riage.)

82:3.12Un­der cer­tain mores wid­ow­hood was greatly to be feared, wid­ows be­ing ei­ther killed or al­lowed to com­mit sui­cide on their hus­bands’ graves, for they were sup­posed to go over into spir­it­land with their spouses. The sur­viv­ing widow was al­most in­vari­ably blamed for her hus­band’s death. Some tribes burned them alive. If a widow con­tin­ued to live, her life was one of con­tin­u­ous mourn­ing and un­bear­able so­cial re­stric­tion since re­mar­riage was gen­er­ally dis­ap­proved.

82:3.13In olden days many prac­tices now re­garded as im­moral were en­cour­aged. Prim­i­tive wives not in­fre­quently took great pride in their hus­bands’ af­fairs with other women. Chastity in girls was a great hin­drance to mar­riage; the bear­ing of a child be­fore mar­riage greatly in­creased a girl’s de­sir­abil­ity as a wife since the man was sure of hav­ing a fer­tile com­pan­ion.

82:3.14Many prim­i­tive tribes sanc­tioned trial mar­riage un­til the woman be­came preg­nant, when the reg­u­lar mar­riage cer­e­mony would be per­formed; among other groups the wed­ding was not cel­e­brated un­til the first child was born. If a wife was bar­ren, she had to be re­deemed by her par­ents, and the mar­riage was an­nulled. The mores de­manded that ev­ery pair have chil­dren.

82:3.15These prim­i­tive trial mar­riages were en­tirely free from all sem­blance of li­cense; they were sim­ply sin­cere tests of fe­cun­dity. The con­tract­ing in­di­vid­u­als mar­ried per­ma­nently just as soon as fer­til­ity was es­tab­lished. When mod­ern cou­ples marry with the thought of con­ve­nient di­vorce in the back­ground of their minds if they are not wholly pleased with their mar­ried life, they are in re­al­ity en­ter­ing upon a form of trial mar­riage and one that is far be­neath the sta­tus of the hon­est ad­ven­tures of their less civ­i­lized an­ces­tors.

82:4.1 read above, under always linked with property and religion

82:4.2 read above, under always linked with property and religion

82:4.3As civ­i­liza­tion ad­vanced and pri­vate prop­erty gained fur­ther rec­og­ni­tion in the mores, steal­ing be­came the great crime. Adul­tery was rec­og­nized as a form of steal­ing, an in­fringe­ment of the hus­band’s prop­erty rights; it is not there­fore specif­i­cally men­tioned in the ear­lier codes and mores. Woman started out as the prop­erty of her fa­ther, who trans­ferred his ti­tle to her hus­band, and all le­gal­ized sex re­la­tions grew out of these pre-ex­is­tent prop­erty rights. The Old Tes­ta­ment deals with women as a form of prop­erty; the Ko­ran teaches their in­fe­ri­or­ity. Man had the right to lend his wife to a friend or guest, and this cus­tom still ob­tains among cer­tain peo­ples.

82:4.4Mod­ern sex jeal­ousy is not in­nate; it is a prod­uct of the evolv­ing mores. Prim­i­tive man was not jeal­ous of his wife; he was just guard­ing his prop­erty. The rea­son for hold­ing the wife to stricter sex ac­count than the hus­band was be­cause her mar­i­tal in­fi­delity in­volved de­scent and in­her­i­tance. Very early in the march of civ­i­liza­tion the il­le­git­i­mate child fell into dis­re­pute. At first only the woman was pun­ished for adul­tery; later on, the mores also de­creed the chas­tise­ment of her part­ner, and for long ages the of­fended hus­band or the pro­tec­tor fa­ther had the full right to kill the male tres­passer. Mod­ern peo­ples re­tain these mores, which al­low so-called crimes of honor un­der the un­writ­ten law.

82:4.5Since the chastity taboo had its ori­gin as a phase of the prop­erty mores, it ap­plied at first to mar­ried women but not to un­mar­ried girls. In later years, chastity was more de­manded by the fa­ther than by the suitor; a vir­gin was a com­mer­cial as­set to the fa­ther—she brought a higher price. As chastity came more into de­mand, it was the prac­tice to pay the fa­ther a bride fee in rec­og­ni­tion of the ser­vice of prop­erly rear­ing a chaste bride for the hus­band-to-be. When once started, this idea of fe­male chastity took such hold on the races that it be­came the prac­tice lit­er­ally to cage up girls, ac­tu­ally to im­prison them for years, in or­der to as­sure their vir­gin­ity. And so the more re­cent stan­dards and vir­gin­ity tests au­to­mat­i­cally gave ori­gin to the pro­fes­sional pros­ti­tute classes; they were the re­jected brides, those women who were found by the grooms’ moth­ers not to be vir­gins.

82:5.1Very early the sav­age ob­served that race mix­ture im­proved the qual­ity of the off­spring. It was not that in­breed­ing was al­ways bad, but that out­breed­ing was al­ways com­par­a­tively bet­ter; there­fore the mores tended to crys­tal­lize in re­stric­tion of sex re­la­tions among near rel­a­tives. It was rec­og­nized that out­breed­ing greatly in­creased the se­lec­tive op­por­tu­nity for evo­lu­tion­ary vari­a­tion and ad­vance­ment. The out­bred in­di­vid­u­als were more ver­sa­tile and had greater abil­ity to sur­vive in a hos­tile world; the in­breed­ers, to­gether with their mores, grad­u­ally dis­ap­peared. This was all a slow de­vel­op­ment; the sav­age did not con­sciously rea­son about such prob­lems. But the later and ad­vanc­ing peo­ples did, and they also made the ob­ser­va­tion that gen­eral weak­ness some­times re­sulted from ex­ces­sive in­breed­ing.

82:5.2While the in­breed­ing of good stock some­times re­sulted in the up­build­ing of strong tribes, the spec­tac­u­lar cases of the bad re­sults of the in­breed­ing of hered­i­tary de­fec­tives more forcibly im­pressed the mind of man, with the re­sult that the ad­vanc­ing mores in­creas­ingly for­mu­lated taboos against all mar­riages among near rel­a­tives.

82:5.3 read above, under always linked with property and religion

82:5.4Su­pe­rior groups, when iso­lated, al­ways re­verted to con­san­guineous mat­ing. The Nod­ites for over one hun­dred and fifty thou­sand years were one of the great in-mar­riage groups. The later-day in-mar­riage mores were tremen­dously in­flu­enced by the tra­di­tions of the vi­o­let race, in which, at first, mat­ings were, per­force, be­tween brother and sis­ter. And brother and sis­ter mar­riages were com­mon in early Egypt, Syria, Mes­o­po­ta­mia, and through­out the lands once oc­cu­pied by the And­ites. The Egyp­tians long prac­ticed brother and sis­ter mar­riages in an ef­fort to keep the royal blood pure, a cus­tom which per­sisted even longer in Per­sia. Among the Mes­o­po­ta­mi­ans, be­fore the days of Abra­ham, cousin mar­riages were oblig­a­tory; cousins had prior mar­riage rights to cousins. Abra­ham him­self mar­ried his half sis­ter, but such unions were not al­lowed un­der the later mores of the Jews.

82:5.5The first move away from brother and sis­ter mar­riages came about un­der the plu­ral-wife mores be­cause the sis­ter-wife would ar­ro­gantly dom­i­nate the other wife or wives. Some tribal mores for­bade mar­riage to a dead brother’s widow but re­quired the liv­ing brother to beget chil­dren for his de­parted brother. There is no bi­o­logic in­stinct against any de­gree of in-mar­riage; such re­stric­tions are wholly a mat­ter of taboo.

82:5.6Out­mar­riage fi­nally dom­i­nated be­cause it was fa­vored by the man; to get a wife from the out­side in­sured greater free­dom from in-laws. Fa­mil­iar­ity breeds con­tempt; so, as the el­e­ment of in­di­vid­ual choice be­gan to dom­i­nate mat­ing, it be­came the cus­tom to choose part­ners from out­side the tribe.

82:5.7Many tribes fi­nally for­bade mar­riages within the clan; oth­ers lim­ited mat­ing to cer­tain castes. The taboo against mar­riage with a woman of one’s own totem gave im­pe­tus to the cus­tom of steal­ing women from neigh­bor­ing tribes. Later on, mar­riages were reg­u­lated more in ac­cor­dance with ter­ri­to­rial res­i­dence than with kin­ship. There were many steps in the evo­lu­tion of in-mar­riage into the mod­ern prac­tice of out­mar­riage. Even af­ter the taboo rested upon in-mar­riages for the com­mon peo­ple, chiefs and kings were per­mit­ted to marry those of close kin in or­der to keep the royal blood con­cen­trated and pure. The mores have usu­ally per­mit­ted sov­er­eign rulers cer­tain li­censes in sex mat­ters.

82:5.8The pres­ence of the later And­ite peo­ples had much to do with in­creas­ing the de­sire of the San­gik races to mate out­side their own tribes. But it was not pos­si­ble for out-mat­ing to be­come preva­lent un­til neigh­bor­ing groups had learned to live to­gether in rel­a­tive peace.

82:5.9Out­mar­riage it­self was a peace pro­moter; mar­riages be­tween the tribes less­ened hos­til­i­ties. Out­mar­riage led to tribal co-or­di­na­tion and to mil­i­tary al­liances; it be­came dom­i­nant be­cause it pro­vided in­creased strength; it was a na­tion builder. Out­mar­riage was also greatly fa­vored by in­creas­ing trade con­tacts; ad­ven­ture and ex­plo­ration con­tributed to the ex­ten­sion of the mat­ing bounds and greatly fa­cil­i­tated the cross-fer­til­iza­tion of racial cul­tures.

82:5.10The oth­er­wise in­ex­pli­ca­ble in­con­sis­ten­cies of the racial mar­riage mores are largely due to this out­mar­riage cus­tom with its ac­com­pa­ny­ing wife steal­ing and buy­ing from for­eign tribes, all of which re­sulted in a com­pound­ing of the sep­a­rate tribal mores. That these taboos re­spect­ing in-mar­riage were so­ci­o­logic, not bi­o­logic, is well il­lus­trated by the taboos on kin­ship mar­riages, which em­braced many de­grees of in-law re­la­tion­ships, cases rep­re­sent­ing no blood re­la­tion what­so­ever.

83:2.1Prim­i­tive mar­riages were al­ways planned by the par­ents of the boy and girl. The tran­si­tion stage be­tween this cus­tom and the times of free choos­ing was oc­cu­pied by the mar­riage bro­ker or pro­fes­sional match­maker. These match­mak­ers were at first the bar­bers; later, the priests. Mar­riage was orig­i­nally a group af­fair; then a fam­ily mat­ter; only re­cently has it be­come an in­di­vid­ual ad­ven­ture.

83:2.2Co­er­cion, not at­trac­tion, was the ap­proach to prim­i­tive mar­riage. In early times woman had no sex aloof­ness, only sex in­fe­ri­or­ity as in­cul­cated by the mores. As raid­ing pre­ceded trad­ing, so mar­riage by cap­ture pre­ceded mar­riage by con­tract. Some women would con­nive at cap­ture in or­der to es­cape the dom­i­na­tion of the older men of their tribe; they pre­ferred to fall into the hands of men of their own age from an­other tribe. This pseudo elope­ment was the tran­si­tion stage be­tween cap­ture by force and sub­se­quent court­ship by charm­ing.

83:2.3–5 · three paragraphs not cited here ·

83:2.3An early type of wed­ding cer­e­mony was the mimic flight, a sort of elope­ment re­hearsal which was once a com­mon prac­tice. Later, mock cap­ture be­came a part of the reg­u­lar wed­ding cer­e­mony. A mod­ern girl’s pre­ten­sions to re­sist “cap­ture,” to be ret­i­cent to­ward mar­riage, are all relics of olden cus­toms. The car­ry­ing of the bride over the thresh­old is rem­i­nis­cent of a num­ber of an­cient prac­tices, among oth­ers, of the days of wife steal­ing.

83:2.4Woman was long de­nied full free­dom of self-dis­posal in mar­riage, but the more in­tel­li­gent women have al­ways been able to cir­cum­vent this re­stric­tion by the clever ex­er­cise of their wits. Man has usu­ally taken the lead in court­ship, but not al­ways. Woman some­times for­mally, as well as covertly, ini­ti­ates mar­riage. And as civ­i­liza­tion has pro­gressed, women have had an in­creas­ing part in all phases of court­ship and mar­riage.

83:2.5In­creas­ing love, ro­mance, and per­sonal se­lec­tion in pre­mar­i­tal court­ship are an And­ite con­tri­bu­tion to the world races. The re­la­tions be­tween the sexes are evolv­ing fa­vor­ably; many ad­vanc­ing peo­ples are grad­u­ally sub­sti­tut­ing some­what ide­al­ized con­cepts of sex at­trac­tion for those older mo­tives of util­ity and own­er­ship. Sex im­pulse and feel­ings of af­fec­tion are be­gin­ning to dis­place cold cal­cu­la­tion in the choos­ing of life part­ners.

83:2.6The be­trothal was orig­i­nally equiv­a­lent to mar­riage; and among early peo­ples sex re­la­tions were con­ven­tional dur­ing the en­gage­ment. In re­cent times, re­li­gion has es­tab­lished a sex taboo on the pe­riod be­tween be­trothal and mar­riage.

83:3.1The an­cients mis­trusted love and prom­ises; they thought that abid­ing unions must be guar­an­teed by some tan­gi­ble se­cu­rity, prop­erty. For this rea­son, the pur­chase price of a wife was re­garded as a for­feit or de­posit which the hus­band was doomed to lose in case of di­vorce or de­ser­tion. Once the pur­chase price of a bride had been paid, many tribes per­mit­ted the hus­band’s brand to be burned upon her. Africans still buy their wives. A love wife, or a white man’s wife, they com­pare to a cat be­cause she costs noth­ing.

83:5.1In the early his­tory of mar­riage the un­mar­ried women be­longed to the men of the tribe. Later on, a woman had only one hus­band at a time. This prac­tice of one-man-at-a-time was the first step away from the promis­cu­ity of the herd. While a woman was al­lowed but one man, her hus­band could sever such tem­po­rary re­la­tion­ships at will. But these loosely reg­u­lated as­so­ci­a­tions were the first step to­ward liv­ing pair­wise in dis­tinc­tion to liv­ing herd­wise. In this stage of mar­riage de­vel­op­ment chil­dren usu­ally be­longed to the mother.

83:5.2The next step in mat­ing evo­lu­tion was the group mar­riage. This com­mu­nal phase of mar­riage had to in­ter­vene in the un­fold­ing of fam­ily life be­cause the mar­riage mores were not yet strong enough to make pair as­so­ci­a­tions per­ma­nent. The brother and sis­ter mar­riages be­longed to this group; five broth­ers of one fam­ily would marry five sis­ters of an­other. All over the world the looser forms of com­mu­nal mar­riage grad­u­ally evolved into var­i­ous types of group mar­riage. And these group as­so­ci­a­tions were largely reg­u­lated by the totem mores. Fam­ily life slowly and surely de­vel­oped be­cause sex and mar­riage reg­u­la­tion fa­vored the sur­vival of the tribe it­self by in­sur­ing the sur­vival of larger num­bers of chil­dren.

83:5.3Group mar­riages grad­u­ally gave way be­fore the emerg­ing prac­tices of polygamy—polyg­yny and polyandry—among the more ad­vanced tribes. But polyandry was never gen­eral, be­ing usu­ally lim­ited to queens and rich women; fur­ther­more, it was cus­tom­ar­ily a fam­ily af­fair, one wife for sev­eral broth­ers. Caste and eco­nomic re­stric­tions some­times made it nec­es­sary for sev­eral men to con­tent them­selves with one wife. Even then, the woman would marry only one, the oth­ers be­ing loosely tol­er­ated as “un­cles” of the joint progeny.

83:5.4The Jew­ish cus­tom re­quir­ing that a man con­sort with his de­ceased brother’s widow for the pur­pose of “rais­ing up seed for his brother,” was the cus­tom of more than half the an­cient world. This was a relic of the time when mar­riage was a fam­ily af­fair rather than an in­di­vid­ual as­so­ci­a­tion.

83:5.5The in­sti­tu­tion of polyg­yny rec­og­nized, at var­i­ous times, four sorts of wives:

83:5.61. The cer­e­mo­nial or le­gal wives.

83:5.72. Wives of af­fec­tion and per­mis­sion.

83:5.83. Con­cu­bines, con­trac­tual wives.

83:5.94. Slave wives.

83:5.10True polyg­yny, where all the wives are of equal sta­tus and all the chil­dren equal, has been very rare. Usu­ally, even with plu­ral mar­riages, the home was dom­i­nated by the head wife, the sta­tus com­pan­ion. She alone had the rit­ual wed­ding cer­e­mony, and only the chil­dren of such a pur­chased or dow­ered spouse could in­herit un­less by spe­cial ar­range­ment with the sta­tus wife.

83:5.11The sta­tus wife was not nec­es­sar­ily the love wife; in early times she usu­ally was not. The love wife, or sweet­heart, did not ap­pear un­til the races were con­sid­er­ably ad­vanced, more par­tic­u­larly af­ter the blend­ing of the evo­lu­tion­ary tribes with the Nod­ites and Adamites.

83:5.12The taboo wife—one wife of le­gal sta­tus—cre­ated the con­cu­bine mores. Un­der these mores a man might have only one wife, but he could main­tain sex re­la­tions with any num­ber of con­cu­bines. Con­cu­bi­nage was the step­ping­stone to mo­nog­amy, the first move away from frank polyg­yny. The con­cu­bines of the Jews, Ro­mans, and Chi­nese were very fre­quently the hand­maid­ens of the wife. Later on, as among the Jews, the le­gal wife was looked upon as the mother of all chil­dren born to the hus­band.

83:5.13The olden taboos on sex re­la­tions with a preg­nant or nurs­ing wife tended greatly to fos­ter polyg­yny. Prim­i­tive women aged very early be­cause of fre­quent child­bear­ing cou­pled with hard work. (Such over­bur­dened wives only man­aged to ex­ist by virtue of the fact that they were put in iso­la­tion one week out of each month when they were not heavy with child.) Such a wife of­ten grew tired of bear­ing chil­dren and would re­quest her hus­band to take a sec­ond and younger wife, one able to help with both child­bear­ing and the do­mes­tic work. The new wives were there­fore usu­ally hailed with de­light by the older spouses; there ex­isted noth­ing on the or­der of sex jeal­ousy.

83:5.14The num­ber of wives was only lim­ited by the abil­ity of the man to pro­vide for them. Wealthy and able men wanted large num­bers of chil­dren, and since the in­fant mor­tal­ity was very high, it re­quired an as­sem­bly of wives to re­cruit a large fam­ily. Many of these plu­ral wives were mere la­bor­ers, slave wives.

83:5.15Hu­man cus­toms evolve, but very slowly. The pur­pose of a harem was to build up a strong and nu­mer­ous body of blood kin for the sup­port of the throne. A cer­tain chief was once con­vinced that he should not have a harem, that he should be con­tented with one wife; so he promptly dis­missed his harem. The dis­sat­is­fied wives went to their homes, and their of­fended rel­a­tives swept down on the chief in wrath and did away with him then and there.

84:4.10A great ad­vance was made when a man was de­nied the right to kill his wife at will. Like­wise, it was a for­ward step when a woman could own the wed­ding gifts. Later, she gained the le­gal right to own, con­trol, and even dis­pose of prop­erty, but she was long de­prived of the right to hold of­fice in ei­ther church or state. Woman has al­ways been treated more or less as prop­erty, right up to and in the twen­ti­eth cen­tury af­ter Christ. She has not yet gained world-wide free­dom from seclu­sion un­der man’s con­trol. Even among ad­vanced peo­ples, man’s at­tempt to pro­tect woman has al­ways been a tacit as­ser­tion of su­pe­ri­or­ity.

Andon and Fonta’s agreement to live with and for each other 1 paragraph

62:5.8When about nine years of age, they jour­neyed off down the river one bright day and held a mo­men­tous con­fer­ence. Ev­ery ce­les­tial in­tel­li­gence sta­tioned on Uran­tia, in­clud­ing my­self, was pres­ent as an ob­server of the trans­ac­tions of this noon­tide tryst. On this event­ful day they ar­rived at an un­der­stand­ing to live with and for each other, and this was the first of a se­ries of such agree­ments which fi­nally cul­mi­nated in the de­ci­sion to flee from their in­fe­rior an­i­mal as­so­ciates and to jour­ney north­ward, lit­tle know­ing that they were thus to found the hu­man race.

continence cult tolerated m. as evil lesser than fornication 1 paragraph

89:3.6It was only nat­u­ral that the cult of re­nun­ci­a­tion and hu­mil­i­a­tion should have paid at­ten­tion to sex­ual grat­i­fi­ca­tion. The con­ti­nence cult orig­i­nated as a rit­ual among sol­diers prior to en­gag­ing in bat­tle; in later days it be­came the prac­tice of “saints.” This cult tol­er­ated mar­riage only as an evil lesser than for­ni­ca­tion. Many of the world’s great re­li­gions have been ad­versely in­flu­enced by this an­cient cult, but none more markedly than Chris­tian­ity. The Apos­tle Paul was a devo­tee of this cult, and his per­sonal views are re­flected in the teach­ings which he fas­tened onto Chris­tian the­ol­ogy: “It is good for a man not to touch a woman.” “I would that all men were even as I my­self.” “I say, there­fore, to the un­mar­ried and wid­ows, it is good for them to abide even as I.” Paul well knew that such teach­ings were not a part of Je­sus’ gospel, and his ac­knowl­edg­ment of this is il­lus­trated by his state­ment, “I speak this by per­mis­sion and not by com­mand­ment.” But this cult led Paul to look down upon women. And the pity of it all is that his per­sonal opin­ions have long in­flu­enced the teach­ings of a great world re­li­gion. If the ad­vice of the tent­maker-teacher were to be lit­er­ally and uni­ver­sally obeyed, then would the hu­man race come to a sud­den and in­glo­ri­ous end. Fur­ther­more, the in­volve­ment of a re­li­gion with the an­cient con­ti­nence cult leads di­rectly to a war against mar­riage and the home, so­ci­ety’s ver­i­ta­ble foun­da­tion and the ba­sic in­sti­tu­tion of hu­man prog­ress. And it is not to be won­dered at that all such be­liefs fos­tered the for­ma­tion of celi­bate priest­hoods in the many re­li­gions of var­i­ous peo­ples.

does not exist after life in flesh 2 paragraphs

38:2.2Though ser­a­phim are very af­fec­tion­ate and sym­pa­thetic be­ings, they are not sex-emo­tion crea­tures. They are much as you will be on the man­sion worlds, where you will “nei­ther marry nor be given in mar­riage but will be as the an­gels of heaven.” For all who “shall be ac­counted wor­thy to at­tain the man­sion worlds nei­ther marry nor are given in mar­riage; nei­ther do they die any more, for they are equal to the an­gels.” Nev­er­the­less, in deal­ing with sex crea­tures it is our cus­tom to speak of those be­ings of more di­rect de­scent from the Fa­ther and the Son as the sons of God, while re­fer­ring to the chil­dren of the Spirit as the daugh­ters of God. An­gels are, there­fore, com­monly des­ig­nated by fem­i­nine pro­nouns on the sex plan­ets.

174:3.2Je­sus knew, and so did the peo­ple, that these Sad­ducees were not sin­cere in ask­ing this ques­tion be­cause it was not likely that such a case would re­ally oc­cur; and be­sides, this prac­tice of the broth­ers of a dead man seek­ing to beget chil­dren for him was prac­ti­cally a dead let­ter at this time among the Jews. Nev­er­the­less, Je­sus con­de­scended to re­ply to their mis­chievous ques­tion. He said: “You all do err in ask­ing such ques­tions be­cause you know nei­ther the Scrip­tures nor the liv­ing power of God. You know that the sons of this world can marry and are given in mar­riage, but you do not seem to un­der­stand that they who are ac­counted wor­thy to at­tain the worlds to come, through the res­ur­rec­tion of the righ­teous, nei­ther marry nor are given in mar­riage. Those who ex­pe­ri­ence the res­ur­rec­tion from the dead are more like the an­gels of heaven, and they never die. These res­ur­rected ones are eter­nally the sons of God; they are the chil­dren of light res­ur­rected into the prog­ress of eter­nal life. And even your Fa­ther Moses un­der­stood this, for, in con­nec­tion with his ex­pe­ri­ences at the burn­ing bush, he heard the Fa­ther say, ‘I am the God of Abra­ham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Ja­cob.’ And so, along with Moses, do I de­clare that my Fa­ther is not the God of the dead but of the liv­ing. In him you all do live, re­pro­duce, and pos­sess your mor­tal ex­is­tence.”

fostered by Prince’s staff 1 paragraph

66:5.29These lead­ers con­tributed much to bring­ing about in­ter­tribal mar­riages. They fos­tered court­ship and mar­riage af­ter due de­lib­er­a­tion and full op­por­tu­nity to be­come ac­quainted. The purely mil­i­tary war dances were re­fined and made to serve valu­able so­cial ends. Many com­pet­i­tive games were in­tro­duced, but these an­cient folk were a se­ri­ous peo­ple; lit­tle hu­mor graced these early tribes. Few of these prac­tices sur­vived the sub­se­quent dis­in­te­gra­tion of plan­e­tary in­sur­rec­tion.

ideal of marriage 22 paragraphs

17:6.53. The Stage of Phys­i­cal Cre­ation. At the time the cre­ator­ship charge is ad­min­is­tered to a Mi­chael Son by the Eter­nal Son, the Mas­ter Spirit who di­rects the super­uni­verse to which this new Cre­ator Son is des­tined gives ex­pres­sion to the “prayer of iden­ti­fi­ca­tion” in the pres­ence of the In­fi­nite Spirit; and for the first time, the en­tity of the sub­se­quent Cre­ative Spirit ap­pears as dif­fer­en­ti­ated from the per­son of the In­fi­nite Spirit. And pro­ceed­ing di­rectly to the per­son of the pe­ti­tion­ing Mas­ter Spirit, this en­tity is im­me­di­ately lost to our rec­og­ni­tion, be­com­ing ap­par­ently a part of the per­son of this Mas­ter Spirit. The newly iden­ti­fied Cre­ative Spirit re­mains with the Mas­ter Spirit un­til the mo­ment of the de­par­ture of the Cre­ator Son for the ad­ven­ture of space; where­upon the Mas­ter Spirit com­mits the new Spirit con­sort to the keep­ing of the Cre­ator Son, at the same time ad­min­is­ter­ing to the Spirit con­sort the charge of eter­nal fi­delity and un­end­ing loy­alty. And then oc­curs one of the most pro­foundly touch­ing episodes which ever take place on Par­a­dise. The Uni­ver­sal Fa­ther speaks in ac­knowl­edg­ment of the eter­nal union of the Cre­ator Son and the Cre­ative Spirit and in con­fir­ma­tion of the be­stowal of cer­tain joint pow­ers of ad­min­is­tra­tion by the Mas­ter Spirit of super­uni­verse ju­ris­dic­tion.

17:6.6The Fa­ther-united Cre­ator Son and Cre­ative Spirit then go forth on their ad­ven­ture of uni­verse cre­ation. And they work to­gether in this form of as­so­ci­a­tion through­out the long and ar­du­ous pe­riod of the ma­te­rial or­ga­ni­za­tion of their uni­verse.

33:3.6Af­ter this pledge of sub­or­di­na­tion by the Cre­ative Mother Spirit, Mi­chael of Neb­a­don nobly ac­knowl­edged his eter­nal de­pen­dence on his Spirit com­pan­ion, con­sti­tut­ing the Spirit coruler of his uni­verse do­mains and re­quir­ing all their crea­tures to pledge them­selves in loy­alty to the Spirit as they had to the Son; and there is­sued and went forth the fi­nal “Procla­ma­tion of Equal­ity.” Though he was the sov­er­eign of this lo­cal uni­verse, the Son pub­lished to the worlds the fact of the Spirit’s equal­ity with him in all en­dow­ments of per­son­al­ity and at­tri­butes of di­vine char­ac­ter. And this be­comes the tran­scen­dent pat­tern for the fam­ily or­ga­ni­za­tion and gov­ern­ment of even the lowly crea­tures of the worlds of space. This is, in deed and in truth, the high ideal of the fam­ily and the hu­man in­sti­tu­tion of vol­un­tary mar­riage.

83:7.6The real test of mar­riage, all down through the ages, has been that con­tin­u­ous in­ti­macy which is in­es­cap­able in all fam­ily life. Two pam­pered and spoiled youths, ed­u­cated to ex­pect ev­ery in­dul­gence and full grat­i­fi­ca­tion of van­ity and ego, can hardly hope to make a great suc­cess of mar­riage and home build­ing—a life­long part­ner­ship of self-ef­face­ment, com­pro­mise, de­vo­tion, and un­selfish ded­i­ca­tion to child cul­ture.

83:8.1Mar­riage which cul­mi­nates in the home is in­deed man’s most ex­alted in­sti­tu­tion, but it is es­sen­tially hu­man; it should never have been called a sacra­ment. The Sethite priests made mar­riage a re­li­gious rit­ual; but for thou­sands of years af­ter Eden, mat­ing con­tin­ued as a purely so­cial and civil in­sti­tu­tion.

83:8.2The liken­ing of hu­man as­so­ci­a­tions to di­vine as­so­ci­a­tions is most un­for­tu­nate. The union of hus­band and wife in the mar­riage-home re­la­tion­ship is a ma­te­rial func­tion of the mor­tals of the evo­lu­tion­ary worlds. True, in­deed, much spir­i­tual prog­ress may ac­crue con­se­quent upon the sin­cere hu­man ef­forts of hus­band and wife to pro­gress, but this does not mean that mar­riage is nec­es­sar­ily sa­cred. Spir­i­tual prog­ress is at­ten­dant upon sin­cere ap­pli­ca­tion to other av­enues of hu­man en­deavor.

83:8.3Nei­ther can mar­riage be truly com­pared to the re­la­tion of the Ad­juster to man nor to the fra­ter­nity of Christ Mi­chael and his hu­man breth­ren. At scarcely any point are such re­la­tion­ships com­pa­ra­ble to the as­so­ci­a­tion of hus­band and wife. And it is most un­for­tu­nate that the hu­man mis­con­cep­tion of these re­la­tion­ships has pro­duced so much con­fu­sion as to the sta­tus of mar­riage.

83:8.4It is also un­for­tu­nate that cer­tain groups of mor­tals have con­ceived of mar­riage as be­ing con­sum­mated by di­vine ac­tion. Such be­liefs lead di­rectly to the con­cept of the in­dis­sol­u­bil­ity of the mar­i­tal state re­gard­less of the cir­cum­stances or wishes of the con­tract­ing par­ties. But the very fact of mar­riage dis­so­lu­tion it­self in­di­cates that De­ity is not a con­join­ing party to such unions. If God has once joined any two things or per­sons to­gether, they will re­main thus joined un­til such a time as the di­vine will de­crees their sep­a­ra­tion. But, re­gard­ing mar­riage, which is a hu­man in­sti­tu­tion, who shall pre­sume to sit in judg­ment, to say which mar­riages are unions that might be ap­proved by the uni­verse super­vi­sors in con­trast with those which are purely hu­man in na­ture and ori­gin?

83:8.5Nev­er­the­less, there is an ideal of mar­riage on the spheres on high. On the cap­i­tal of each lo­cal sys­tem the Ma­te­rial Sons and Daugh­ters of God do por­tray the height of the ide­als of the union of man and woman in the bonds of mar­riage and for the pur­pose of pro­cre­at­ing and rear­ing off­spring. Af­ter all, the ideal mor­tal mar­riage is hu­manly sa­cred.

83:8.6Mar­riage al­ways has been and still is man’s su­preme dream of tem­po­ral ide­al­ity. Though this beau­ti­ful dream is sel­dom re­al­ized in its en­tirety, it en­dures as a glo­ri­ous ideal, ever lur­ing pro­gress­ing man­kind on to greater striv­ings for hu­man hap­pi­ness. But young men and women should be taught some­thing of the re­al­i­ties of mar­riage be­fore they are plunged into the ex­act­ing de­mands of the in­teras­so­ci­a­tions of fam­ily life; youth­ful ide­al­iza­tion should be tem­pered with some de­gree of pre­mar­i­tal dis­il­lu­sion­ment.

83:8.7The youth­ful ide­al­iza­tion of mar­riage should not, how­ever, be dis­cour­aged; such dreams are the vi­su­al­iza­tion of the fu­ture goal of fam­ily life. This at­ti­tude is both stim­u­lat­ing and help­ful pro­vid­ing it does not pro­duce an in­sen­si­tiv­ity to the re­al­iza­tion of the prac­ti­cal and com­mon­place re­quire­ments of mar­riage and sub­se­quent fam­ily life.

83:8.8The ide­als of mar­riage have made great prog­ress in re­cent times; among some peo­ples woman en­joys prac­ti­cally equal rights with her con­sort. In con­cept, at least, the fam­ily is be­com­ing a loyal part­ner­ship for rear­ing off­spring, ac­com­pa­nied by sex­ual fi­delity. But even this newer ver­sion of mar­riage need not pre­sume to swing so far to the ex­treme as to con­fer mu­tual monopoly of all per­son­al­ity and in­di­vid­u­al­ity. Mar­riage is not just an in­di­vid­u­al­is­tic ideal; it is the evolv­ing so­cial part­ner­ship of a man and a woman, ex­ist­ing and func­tion­ing un­der the cur­rent mores, re­stricted by the taboos, and en­forced by the laws and reg­u­la­tions of so­ci­ety.

83:8.9Twen­ti­eth-cen­tury mar­riages stand high in com­par­i­son with those of past ages, not­with­stand­ing that the home in­sti­tu­tion is now un­der­go­ing a se­ri­ous test­ing be­cause of the prob­lems so sud­denly thrust upon the so­cial or­ga­ni­za­tion by the pre­cip­i­tate aug­men­ta­tion of woman’s lib­er­ties, rights so long de­nied her in the tardy evo­lu­tion of the mores of past gen­er­a­tions.

83:8.10[Pre­sented by the Chief of Ser­a­phim sta­tioned on Uran­tia.]

133:2.2And then, in bid­ding him farewell, Je­sus said: “My brother, al­ways re­mem­ber that man has no right­ful au­thor­ity over woman un­less the woman has will­ingly and vol­un­tar­ily given him such au­thor­ity. Your wife has en­gaged to go through life with you, to help you fight its bat­tles, and to as­sume the far greater share of the bur­den of bear­ing and rear­ing your chil­dren; and in re­turn for this spe­cial ser­vice it is only fair that she re­ceive from you that spe­cial pro­tec­tion which man can give to woman as the part­ner who must carry, bear, and nur­ture the chil­dren. The lov­ing care and con­sid­er­a­tion which a man is will­ing to be­stow upon his wife and their chil­dren are the mea­sure of that man’s at­tain­ment of the higher lev­els of cre­ative and spir­i­tual self-con­scious­ness. Do you not know that men and women are part­ners with God in that they co-op­er­ate to cre­ate be­ings who grow up to pos­sess them­selves of the po­ten­tial of im­mor­tal souls? The Fa­ther in heaven treats the Spirit Mother of the chil­dren of the uni­verse as one equal to him­self. It is God­like to share your life and all that re­lates thereto on equal terms with the mother part­ner who so fully shares with you that di­vine ex­pe­ri­ence of re­pro­duc­ing your­selves in the lives of your chil­dren. If you can only love your chil­dren as God loves you, you will love and cher­ish your wife as the Fa­ther in heaven hon­ors and ex­alts the In­fi­nite Spirit, the mother of all the spirit chil­dren of a vast uni­verse.”

160:2.10I re­peat, such in­spir­ing and en­nobling as­so­ci­a­tion finds its ideal pos­si­bil­i­ties in the hu­man mar­riage re­la­tion. True, much is at­tained out of mar­riage, and many, many mar­riages ut­terly fail to pro­duce these moral and spir­i­tual fruits. Too many times mar­riage is en­tered by those who seek other val­ues which are lower than these su­pe­rior ac­com­pa­ni­ments of hu­man ma­tu­rity. Ideal mar­riage must be founded on some­thing more sta­ble than the fluc­tu­a­tions of sen­ti­ment and the fick­le­ness of mere sex at­trac­tion; it must be based on gen­uine and mu­tual per­sonal de­vo­tion. And thus, if you can build up such trust­wor­thy and ef­fec­tive small units of hu­man as­so­ci­a­tion, when these are as­sem­bled in the ag­gre­gate, the world will be­hold a great and glo­ri­fied so­cial struc­ture, the civ­i­liza­tion of mor­tal ma­tu­rity. Such a race might be­gin to re­al­ize some­thing of your Mas­ter’s ideal of “peace on earth and good will among men.” While such a so­ci­ety would not be per­fect or en­tirely free from evil, it would at least ap­proach the sta­bi­liza­tion of ma­tu­rity.

167:5.3Though Je­sus re­fused to be drawn into a con­tro­versy with the Phar­isees con­cern­ing di­vorce, he did pro­claim a pos­i­tive teach­ing of the high­est ide­als re­gard­ing mar­riage. He ex­alted mar­riage as the most ideal and high­est of all hu­man re­la­tion­ships. Like­wise, he in­ti­mated strong dis­ap­proval of the lax and un­fair di­vorce prac­tices of the Je­ru­sa­lem Jews, who at that time per­mit­ted a man to di­vorce his wife for the most tri­fling of rea­sons, such as be­ing a poor cook, a faulty house­keeper, or for no bet­ter rea­son than that he had be­come en­am­ored of a bet­ter-look­ing woman.

167:5.4The Phar­isees had even gone so far as to teach that di­vorce of this easy va­ri­ety was a spe­cial dis­pen­sa­tion granted the Jew­ish peo­ple, par­tic­u­larly the Phar­isees. And so, while Je­sus re­fused to make pro­nounce­ments deal­ing with mar­riage and di­vorce, he did most bit­terly de­nounce these shame­ful flout­ings of the mar­riage re­la­tion­ship and pointed out their in­jus­tice to women and chil­dren. He never sanc­tioned any di­vorce prac­tice which gave man any ad­van­tage over woman; the Mas­ter coun­te­nanced only those teach­ings which ac­corded women equal­ity with men.

167:5.5Al­though Je­sus did not of­fer new man­dates gov­ern­ing mar­riage and di­vorce, he did urge the Jews to live up to their own laws and higher teach­ings. He con­stantly ap­pealed to the writ­ten Scrip­tures in his ef­fort to im­prove their prac­tices along these so­cial lines. While thus up­hold­ing the high and ideal con­cepts of mar­riage, Je­sus skill­fully avoided clash­ing with his ques­tion­ers about the so­cial prac­tices rep­re­sented by ei­ther their writ­ten laws or their much-cher­ished di­vorce priv­i­leges.

167:5.6It was very dif­fi­cult for the apos­tles to un­der­stand the Mas­ter’s re­luc­tance to make pos­i­tive pro­nounce­ments rel­a­tive to sci­en­tific, so­cial, eco­nomic, and po­lit­i­cal prob­lems. They did not fully re­al­ize that his earth mis­sion was ex­clu­sively con­cerned with rev­e­la­tions of spir­i­tual and re­li­gious truths.

167:5.7Af­ter Je­sus had talked about mar­riage and di­vorce, later on that evening his apos­tles pri­vately asked many ad­di­tional ques­tions, and his an­swers to these in­quiries re­lieved their minds of many mis­con­cep­tions. At the con­clu­sion of this con­fer­ence Je­sus said: “Mar­riage is hon­or­able and is to be de­sired by all men. The fact that the Son of Man pur­sues his earth mis­sion alone is in no way a re­flec­tion on the de­sir­abil­ity of mar­riage. That I should so work is the Fa­ther’s will, but this same Fa­ther has di­rected the cre­ation of male and fe­male, and it is the di­vine will that men and women should find their high­est ser­vice and con­se­quent joy in the es­tab­lish­ment of homes for the re­cep­tion and train­ing of chil­dren, in the cre­ation of whom these par­ents be­come co­part­ners with the Mak­ers of heaven and earth. And for this cause shall a man leave his fa­ther and mother and shall cleave to his wife, and they two shall be­come as one.”

167:5.8And in this way Je­sus re­lieved the minds of the apos­tles of many wor­ries about mar­riage and cleared up many mis­un­der­stand­ings re­gard­ing di­vorce; at the same time he did much to ex­alt their ide­als of so­cial union and to aug­ment their re­spect for women and chil­dren and for the home.

Immanuel foresaw Jesus would probably not enter; wholly honorable 3 paragraphs

120:3.8“7. While you will live the nor­mal and av­er­age so­cial life of the planet, be­ing a nor­mal in­di­vid­ual of the male sex, you will prob­a­bly not en­ter the mar­riage re­la­tion, which re­la­tion would be wholly hon­or­able and con­sis­tent with your be­stowal; but I must re­mind you that one of the in­car­na­tion man­dates of Sonar­ing­ton for­bids the leav­ing of hu­man off­spring be­hind on any planet by a be­stowal Son of Par­a­dise ori­gin.

127:5.5Af­ter lis­ten­ing at­ten­tively, he sin­cerely thanked Re­becca for her ex­pressed ad­mi­ra­tion, adding, “it shall cheer and com­fort me all the days of my life.” He ex­plained that he was not free to en­ter into re­la­tions with any woman other than those of sim­ple broth­erly re­gard and pure friend­ship. He made it clear that his first and paramount duty was the rear­ing of his fa­ther’s fam­ily, that he could not con­sider mar­riage un­til that was ac­com­plished; and then he added: “If I am a son of des­tiny, I must not as­sume obli­ga­tions of life­long du­ra­tion un­til such a time as my des­tiny shall be made man­i­fest.”

127:6.8It was dur­ing this year that Mary had a long talk with Je­sus about mar­riage. She frankly asked him if he would get mar­ried if he were free from his fam­ily re­spon­si­bil­i­ties. Je­sus ex­plained to her that, since im­me­di­ate duty for­bade his mar­riage, he had given the sub­ject lit­tle thought. He ex­pressed him­self as doubt­ing that he would ever en­ter the mar­riage state; he said that all such things must await “my hour,” the time when “my Fa­ther’s work must be­gin.” Hav­ing set­tled al­ready in his mind that he was not to be­come the fa­ther of chil­dren in the flesh, he gave very lit­tle thought to the sub­ject of hu­man mar­riage.

institution of marriage 6 paragraphs, 4 read above

82:0.1Mar­riage—mat­ing—grows out of bi­sex­u­al­ity. Mar­riage is man’s re­ac­tional ad­just­ment to such bi­sex­u­al­ity, while the fam­ily life is the sum to­tal re­sult­ing from all such evo­lu­tion­ary and adap­ta­tive ad­just­ments. Mar­riage is en­dur­ing; it is not in­her­ent in bi­o­logic evo­lu­tion, but it is the ba­sis of all so­cial evo­lu­tion and is there­fore cer­tain of con­tin­ued ex­is­tence in some form. Mar­riage has given man­kind the home, and the home is the crown­ing glory of the whole long and ar­du­ous evo­lu­tion­ary strug­gle.

82:1.1Not­with­stand­ing the per­son­al­ity gulf be­tween men and women, the sex urge is suf­fi­cient to in­sure their com­ing to­gether for the re­pro­duc­tion of the species. This in­stinct op­er­ated ef­fec­tively long be­fore hu­mans ex­pe­ri­enced much of what was later called love, de­vo­tion, and mar­i­tal loy­alty. Mat­ing is an in­nate propen­sity, and mar­riage is its evo­lu­tion­ary so­cial reper­cus­sion.

82:3.1 read above, under among primitives

83:1.1 read above, under always linked with property and religion

83:1.2 read above, under always linked with property and religion

83:1.3 read above, under always linked with property and religion

83:1.4The fam­ily, which grows out of mar­riage, is it­self a sta­bi­lizer of the mar­riage in­sti­tu­tion to­gether with the prop­erty mores. Other po­tent fac­tors in mar­riage sta­bil­ity are pride, van­ity, chivalry, duty, and re­li­gious con­vic­tions. But while mar­riages may be ap­proved or dis­ap­proved on high, they are hardly made in heaven. The hu­man fam­ily is a dis­tinctly hu­man in­sti­tu­tion, an evo­lu­tion­ary de­vel­op­ment. Mar­riage is an in­sti­tu­tion of so­ci­ety, not a de­part­ment of the church. True, re­li­gion should might­ily in­flu­ence it but should not un­der­take ex­clu­sively to con­trol and reg­u­late it.

83:1.5Prim­i­tive mar­riage was pri­mar­ily in­dus­trial; and even in mod­ern times it is of­ten a so­cial or busi­ness af­fair. Through the in­flu­ence of the mix­ture of the And­ite stock and as a re­sult of the mores of ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion, mar­riage is slowly be­com­ing mu­tual, ro­man­tic, pa­ren­tal, po­et­i­cal, af­fec­tion­ate, eth­i­cal, and even ide­al­is­tic. Se­lec­tion and so-called ro­man­tic love, how­ever, were at a min­i­mum in prim­i­tive mat­ing. Dur­ing early times hus­band and wife were not much to­gether; they did not even eat to­gether very of­ten. But among the an­cients, per­sonal af­fec­tion was not strongly linked to sex at­trac­tion; they be­came fond of one an­other largely be­cause of liv­ing and work­ing to­gether.

83:7.4The so­cial pres­sure of com­mu­nity stand­ing and prop­erty priv­i­leges has al­ways been po­tent in the main­te­nance of the mar­riage taboos and mores. Down through the ages mar­riage has made steady prog­ress and stands on ad­vanced ground in the mod­ern world, not­with­stand­ing that it is threat­en­ingly as­sailed by wide­spread dis­sat­is­fac­tion among those peo­ples where in­di­vid­ual choice—a new lib­erty—fig­ures most largely. While these up­heavals of ad­just­ment ap­pear among the more pro­gres­sive races as a re­sult of sud­denly ac­cel­er­ated so­cial evo­lu­tion, among the less ad­vanced peo­ples mar­riage con­tin­ues to thrive and slowly im­prove un­der the guid­ance of the older mores.

83:7.5The new and sud­den sub­sti­tu­tion of the more ideal but ex­tremely in­di­vid­u­al­is­tic love mo­tive in mar­riage for the older and long-es­tab­lished prop­erty mo­tive, has un­avoid­ably caused the mar­riage in­sti­tu­tion to be­come tem­porar­ily un­sta­ble. Man’s mar­riage mo­tives have al­ways far tran­scended ac­tual mar­riage morals, and in the nine­teenth and twen­ti­eth cen­turies the Oc­ci­den­tal ideal of mar­riage has sud­denly far out­run the self-cen­tered and but par­tially con­trolled sex im­pulses of the races. The pres­ence of large num­bers of un­mar­ried per­sons in any so­ci­ety in­di­cates the tem­po­rary break­down or the tran­si­tion of the mores.

Jewish weddings celebrated on Wednesday; festivities lasted a week 2 paragraphs

137:4.1By noon on Wednes­day al­most a thou­sand guests had ar­rived in Cana, more than four times the num­ber bid­den to the wed­ding feast. It was a Jew­ish cus­tom to cel­e­brate wed­dings on Wednes­day, and the in­vi­ta­tions had been sent abroad for the wed­ding one month pre­vi­ously. In the forenoon and early af­ter­noon it ap­peared more like a pub­lic re­cep­tion for Je­sus than a wed­ding. Ev­ery­body wanted to greet this near-fa­mous Galilean, and he was most cor­dial to all, young and old, Jew and gen­tile. And ev­ery­body re­joiced when Je­sus con­sented to lead the pre­lim­i­nary wed­ding pro­ces­sion.

137:5.1Though many of the guests re­mained for the full week of wed­ding fes­tiv­i­ties, Je­sus, with his newly cho­sen dis­ci­ple-apos­tles—James, John, An­drew, Pe­ter, Philip, and Na­than­iel—de­parted very early the next morn­ing for Ca­per­naum, go­ing away with­out tak­ing leave of any­one. Je­sus’ fam­ily and all his friends in Cana were much dis­tressed be­cause he so sud­denly left them, and Jude, Je­sus’ young­est brother, set out in search of him. Je­sus and his apos­tles went di­rectly to the home of Zeb­e­dee at Beth­saida. On this jour­ney Je­sus talked over many things of im­por­tance to the com­ing king­dom with his newly cho­sen as­so­ciates and es­pe­cially warned them to make no men­tion of the turn­ing of the wa­ter into wine. He also ad­vised them to avoid the cities of Sep­pho­ris and Tiberias in their fu­ture work.

laws regarding m. in continental nation 2 paragraphs

72:3.8Mar­riage and di­vorce laws are uni­form through­out the na­tion. Mar­riage be­fore twenty—the age of civil en­fran­chise­ment—is not per­mit­ted. Per­mis­sion to marry is only granted af­ter one year’s no­tice of in­ten­tion, and af­ter both bride and groom pre­sent cer­tifi­cates show­ing that they have been duly in­structed in the pa­ren­tal schools re­gard­ing the re­spon­si­bil­i­ties of mar­ried life.

72:3.9Di­vorce reg­u­la­tions are some­what lax, but de­crees of sep­a­ra­tion, is­sued by the pa­ren­tal courts, may not be had un­til one year af­ter ap­pli­ca­tion there­for has been re­corded, and the year on this planet is con­sid­er­ably longer than on Uran­tia. Not­with­stand­ing their easy di­vorce laws, the pres­ent rate of di­vorces is only one tenth that of the civ­i­lized races of Uran­tia.

monogamy 17 paragraphs, 11 read above

69:9.7 read above, under among primitives

83:0.1This is the recital of the early be­gin­nings of the in­sti­tu­tion of mar­riage. It has pro­gressed steadily from the loose and promis­cu­ous mat­ings of the herd through many vari­a­tions and adap­ta­tions, even to the ap­pear­ance of those mar­riage stan­dards which even­tu­ally cul­mi­nated in the re­al­iza­tion of pair mat­ings, the union of one man and one woman to es­tab­lish a home of the high­est so­cial or­der.

83:0.2 read above, under always linked with property and religion

83:1.4 read above, under institution of marriage

83:1.5 read above, under institution of marriage

83:6.1Mo­nog­amy is monopoly; it is good for those who at­tain this de­sir­able state, but it tends to work a bi­o­logic hard­ship on those who are not so for­tu­nate. But quite re­gard­less of the ef­fect on the in­di­vid­ual, mo­nog­amy is de­cid­edly best for the chil­dren.

83:6.2The ear­li­est mo­nog­amy was due to force of cir­cum­stances, pov­erty. Mo­nog­amy is cul­tural and so­ci­etal, ar­ti­fi­cial and un­nat­u­ral, that is, un­nat­u­ral to evo­lu­tion­ary man. It was wholly nat­u­ral to the purer Nod­ites and Adamites and has been of great cul­tural value to all ad­vanced races.

83:6.3The Chaldean tribes rec­og­nized the right of a wife to im­pose a pre­mar­i­tal pledge upon her spouse not to take a sec­ond wife or con­cu­bine; both the Greeks and the Ro­mans fa­vored monog­a­mous mar­riage. An­ces­tor wor­ship has al­ways fos­tered mo­nog­amy, as has the Chris­tian er­ror of re­gard­ing mar­riage as a sacra­ment. Even the el­e­va­tion of the stan­dard of liv­ing has con­sis­tently mil­i­tated against plu­ral wives. By the time of Mi­chael’s ad­vent on Uran­tia prac­ti­cally all of the civ­i­lized world had at­tained the level of the­o­ret­i­cal mo­nog­amy. But this pas­sive mo­nog­amy did not mean that man­kind had be­come ha­bit­u­ated to the prac­tice of real pair mar­riage.

83:6.4While pur­su­ing the monogamic goal of the ideal pair mar­riage, which is, af­ter all, some­thing of a mo­nop­o­lis­tic sex as­so­ci­a­tion, so­ci­ety must not over­look the un­en­vi­able sit­u­a­tion of those un­for­tu­nate men and women who fail to find a place in this new and im­proved so­cial or­der, even when hav­ing done their best to co-op­er­ate with, and en­ter into, its re­quire­ments. Fail­ure to gain mates in the so­cial arena of com­pe­ti­tion may be due to in­sur­mount­able dif­fi­cul­ties or mul­ti­tudi­nous re­stric­tions which the cur­rent mores have im­posed. Truly, mo­nog­amy is ideal for those who are in, but it must in­evitably work great hard­ship on those who are left out in the cold of soli­tary ex­is­tence.

83:6.5Al­ways have the un­for­tu­nate few had to suf­fer that the ma­jor­ity might ad­vance un­der the de­vel­op­ing mores of evolv­ing civ­i­liza­tion; but al­ways should the fa­vored ma­jor­ity look with kind­ness and con­sid­er­a­tion on their less for­tu­nate fel­lows who must pay the price of fail­ure to at­tain mem­ber­ship in the ranks of those ideal sex part­ner­ships which af­ford the sat­is­fac­tion of all bi­o­logic urges un­der the sanc­tion of the high­est mores of ad­vanc­ing so­cial evo­lu­tion.

83:6.6Mo­nog­amy al­ways has been, now is, and for­ever will be the ide­al­is­tic goal of hu­man sex evo­lu­tion. This ideal of true pair mar­riage en­tails self-de­nial, and there­fore does it so of­ten fail just be­cause one or both of the con­tract­ing par­ties are de­fi­cient in that acme of all hu­man virtues, rugged self-con­trol.

83:6.7Mo­nog­amy is the yard­stick which mea­sures the ad­vance of so­cial civ­i­liza­tion as dis­tin­guished from purely bi­o­logic evo­lu­tion. Mo­nog­amy is not nec­es­sar­ily bi­o­logic or nat­u­ral, but it is in­dis­pens­able to the im­me­di­ate main­te­nance and fur­ther de­vel­op­ment of so­cial civ­i­liza­tion. It con­tributes to a del­i­cacy of sen­ti­ment, a re­fine­ment of moral char­ac­ter, and a spir­i­tual growth which are ut­terly im­pos­si­ble in polygamy. A woman never can be­come an ideal mother when she is all the while com­pelled to en­gage in ri­valry for her hus­band’s af­fec­tions.

83:6.8Pair mar­riage fa­vors and fos­ters that in­ti­mate un­der­stand­ing and ef­fec­tive co-op­er­a­tion which is best for pa­ren­tal hap­pi­ness, child wel­fare, and so­cial ef­fi­ciency. Mar­riage, which be­gan in crude co­er­cion, is grad­u­ally evolv­ing into a mag­nif­i­cent in­sti­tu­tion of self-cul­ture, self-con­trol, self-ex­pres­sion, and self-per­pet­u­a­tion.

83:7.6 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.1 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.2 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.3 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.4 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.5–7 · three paragraphs not cited here ·

83:8.5 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.6 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.7 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.8 read above, under ideal of marriage

84:1.1Mar­riage was not founded on sex re­la­tions; they were in­ci­den­tal thereto. Mar­riage was not needed by prim­i­tive man, who in­dulged his sex ap­petite freely with­out en­cum­ber­ing him­self with the re­spon­si­bil­i­ties of wife, chil­dren, and home.

84:6.2Ev­ery suc­cess­ful hu­man in­sti­tu­tion em­braces an­tag­o­nisms of per­sonal in­ter­est which have been ad­justed to prac­ti­cal work­ing har­mony, and home­mak­ing is no ex­cep­tion. Mar­riage, the ba­sis of home build­ing, is the high­est man­i­fes­ta­tion of that an­tag­o­nis­tic co-op­er­a­tion which so of­ten char­ac­ter­izes the con­tacts of na­ture and so­ci­ety. The con­flict is in­ev­i­ta­ble. Mat­ing is in­her­ent; it is nat­u­ral. But mar­riage is not bi­o­logic; it is so­ci­o­logic. Pas­sion in­sures that man and woman will come to­gether, but the weaker pa­ren­tal in­stinct and the so­cial mores hold them to­gether.

84:7.3Sex as­so­ci­a­tion is nat­u­ral, but mar­riage is so­cial and has al­ways been reg­u­lated by the mores. The mores (re­li­gious, moral, and eth­i­cal), to­gether with prop­erty, pride, and chivalry, sta­bi­lize the in­sti­tu­tions of mar­riage and fam­ily. When­ever the mores fluc­tu­ate, there is fluc­tu­a­tion in the sta­bil­ity of the home-mar­riage in­sti­tu­tion. Mar­riage is now pass­ing out of the prop­erty stage into the per­sonal era. For­merly man pro­tected woman be­cause she was his chat­tel, and she obeyed for the same rea­son. Re­gard­less of its mer­its this sys­tem did pro­vide sta­bil­ity. Now, woman is no longer re­garded as prop­erty, and new mores are emerg­ing de­signed to sta­bi­lize the mar­riage-home in­sti­tu­tion:

84:7.41. The new role of re­li­gion—the teach­ing that pa­ren­tal ex­pe­ri­ence is es­sen­tial, the idea of pro­cre­at­ing cos­mic cit­i­zens, the en­larged un­der­stand­ing of the priv­i­lege of pro­cre­ation—giv­ing sons to the Fa­ther.

84:7.52. The new role of sci­ence—pro­cre­ation is be­com­ing more and more vol­un­tary, sub­ject to man’s con­trol. In an­cient times lack of un­der­stand­ing in­sured the ap­pear­ance of chil­dren in the ab­sence of all de­sire there­for.

84:7.63. The new func­tion of plea­sure lures—this in­tro­duces a new fac­tor into racial sur­vival; an­cient man ex­posed un­de­sired chil­dren to die; mod­erns refuse to bear them.

84:7.74. The en­hance­ment of pa­ren­tal in­stinct—each gen­er­a­tion now tends to elim­i­nate from the re­pro­duc­tive stream of the race those in­di­vid­u­als in whom pa­ren­tal in­stinct is in­suf­fi­ciently strong to in­sure the pro­cre­ation of chil­dren, the prospec­tive par­ents of the next gen­er­a­tion.

84:7.8–9 · two paragraphs not cited here ·

84:7.8But the home as an in­sti­tu­tion, a part­ner­ship be­tween one man and one woman, dates more specif­i­cally from the days of Dala­ma­tia, about one-half mil­lion years ago, the monog­a­mous prac­tices of An­don and his im­me­di­ate de­scen­dants hav­ing been aban­doned long be­fore. Fam­ily life, how­ever, was not much to boast of be­fore the days of the Nod­ites and the later Adamites. Adam and Eve ex­erted a last­ing in­flu­ence on all man­kind; for the first time in the his­tory of the world men and women were ob­served work­ing side by side in the Gar­den. The Edenic ideal, the whole fam­ily as gar­den­ers, was a new idea on Uran­tia.

84:7.9The early fam­ily em­braced a re­lated work­ing group, in­clud­ing the slaves, all liv­ing in one dwell­ing. Mar­riage and fam­ily life have not al­ways been iden­ti­cal but have of ne­ces­sity been closely as­so­ci­ated. Woman al­ways wanted the in­di­vid­ual fam­ily, and even­tu­ally she had her way.

84:7.10Love of off­spring is al­most uni­ver­sal and is of dis­tinct sur­vival value. The an­cients al­ways sac­ri­ficed the mother’s in­ter­ests for the wel­fare of the child; an Es­kimo mother even yet licks her baby in lieu of wash­ing. But prim­i­tive moth­ers only nour­ished and cared for their chil­dren when very young; like the an­i­mals, they dis­carded them as soon as they grew up. En­dur­ing and con­tin­u­ous hu­man as­so­ci­a­tions have never been founded on bi­o­logic af­fec­tion alone. The an­i­mals love their chil­dren; man—civ­i­lized man—loves his chil­dren’s chil­dren. The higher the civ­i­liza­tion, the greater the joy of par­ents in the chil­dren’s ad­vance­ment and suc­cess; thus the new and higher re­al­iza­tion of name pride comes into ex­is­tence.

133:2.2 read above, under ideal of marriage

mores distinct from secret and personal relations 0 paragraphs, 1 read above

82:3.2 read above, under among primitives

regarded variously as social duty, religious obligation, political requirement 0 paragraphs, 1 read above

82:3.4 read above, under among primitives

temper youthful idealization with premarital disillusionment 0 paragraphs, 2 read above

83:8.6 read above, under ideal of marriage

83:8.7 read above, under ideal of marriage

value of marriage 6 paragraphs, 1 read above

45:6.3On the seven man­sion worlds as­cend­ing mor­tals are af­forded am­ple op­por­tu­ni­ties for com­pen­sat­ing any and all ex­pe­ri­en­tial de­pri­va­tions suf­fered on their worlds of ori­gin, whether due to in­her­i­tance, en­vi­ron­ment, or un­for­tu­nate pre­ma­ture ter­mi­na­tion of the ca­reer in the flesh. This is in ev­ery sense true ex­cept in the mor­tal sex life and its at­ten­dant ad­just­ments. Thou­sands of mor­tals reach the man­sion worlds with­out hav­ing ben­e­fited par­tic­u­larly from the dis­ci­plines de­rived from fairly av­er­age sex re­la­tions on their na­tive spheres. The man­sion world ex­pe­ri­ence can pro­vide lit­tle op­por­tu­nity for com­pen­sat­ing these very per­sonal de­pri­va­tions. Sex ex­pe­ri­ence in a phys­i­cal sense is past for these as­cend­ers, but in close as­so­ci­a­tion with the Ma­te­rial Sons and Daugh­ters, both in­di­vid­u­ally and as mem­bers of their fam­i­lies, these sex-de­fi­cient mor­tals are en­abled to com­pen­sate the so­cial, in­tel­lec­tual, emo­tional, and spir­i­tual as­pects of their de­fi­ciency. Thus are all those hu­mans whom cir­cum­stances or bad judg­ment de­prived of the ben­e­fits of ad­van­ta­geous sex as­so­ci­a­tion on the evo­lu­tion­ary worlds, here on the sys­tem cap­i­tals af­forded full op­por­tu­nity to ac­quire these es­sen­tial mor­tal ex­pe­ri­ences in close and lov­ing as­so­ci­a­tion with the su­per­nal Adamic sex crea­tures of per­ma­nent res­i­dence on the sys­tem cap­i­tals.

68:2.9The func­tion of mar­riage in evo­lu­tion is the in­sur­ance of race sur­vival, not merely the re­al­iza­tion of per­sonal hap­pi­ness; self-main­te­nance and self-per­pet­u­a­tion are the real ob­jects of the home. Self-grat­i­fi­ca­tion is in­ci­den­tal and not es­sen­tial ex­cept as an in­cen­tive in­sur­ing sex as­so­ci­a­tion. Na­ture de­mands sur­vival, but the arts of civ­i­liza­tion con­tinue to in­crease the plea­sures of mar­riage and the sat­is­fac­tions of fam­ily life.

84:1.9Re­gard­less of the an­tag­o­nisms of these early pairs, not­with­stand­ing the loose­ness of the as­so­ci­a­tion, the chances for sur­vival were greatly im­proved by these male-fe­male part­ner­ships. A man and a woman, co-op­er­at­ing, even aside from fam­ily and off­spring, are vastly su­pe­rior in most ways to ei­ther two men or two women. This pair­ing of the sexes en­hanced sur­vival and was the very be­gin­ning of hu­man so­ci­ety. The sex di­vi­sion of la­bor also made for com­fort and in­creased hap­pi­ness.

84:6.7While the sexes never can hope fully to un­der­stand each other, they are ef­fec­tively com­ple­men­tary, and though co-op­er­a­tion is of­ten more or less per­son­ally an­tag­o­nis­tic, it is ca­pa­ble of main­tain­ing and re­pro­duc­ing so­ci­ety. Mar­riage is an in­sti­tu­tion de­signed to com­pose sex dif­fer­ences, mean­while ef­fect­ing the con­tin­u­a­tion of civ­i­liza­tion and in­sur­ing the re­pro­duc­tion of the race.

84:7.28Mar­riage, with chil­dren and con­se­quent fam­ily life, is stim­u­la­tive of the high­est po­ten­tials in hu­man na­ture and si­mul­ta­ne­ously pro­vides the ideal av­enue for the ex­pres­sion of these quick­ened at­tri­butes of mor­tal per­son­al­ity. The fam­ily pro­vides for the bi­o­logic per­pet­u­a­tion of the hu­man species. The home is the nat­u­ral so­cial arena wherein the ethics of blood broth­er­hood may be grasped by the grow­ing chil­dren. The fam­ily is the fun­da­men­tal unit of fra­ter­nity in which par­ents and chil­dren learn those lessons of pa­tience, al­tru­ism, tol­er­ance, and for­bear­ance which are so es­sen­tial to the re­al­iza­tion of broth­er­hood among all men.

160:2.61. Mu­tual self-ex­pres­sion and self-un­der­stand­ing. Many no­ble hu­man im­pulses die be­cause there is no one to hear their ex­pres­sion. Truly, it is not good for man to be alone. Some de­gree of rec­og­ni­tion and a cer­tain amount of ap­pre­ci­a­tion are es­sen­tial to the de­vel­op­ment of hu­man char­ac­ter. With­out the gen­uine love of a home, no child can achieve the full de­vel­op­ment of nor­mal char­ac­ter. Char­ac­ter is some­thing more than mere mind and morals. Of all so­cial re­la­tions cal­cu­lated to de­velop char­ac­ter, the most ef­fec­tive and ideal is the af­fec­tion­ate and un­der­stand­ing friend­ship of man and woman in the mu­tual em­brace of in­tel­li­gent wed­lock. Mar­riage, with its man­i­fold re­la­tions, is best de­signed to draw forth those pre­cious im­pulses and those higher mo­tives which are in­dis­pens­able to the de­vel­op­ment of a strong char­ac­ter. I do not hes­i­tate thus to glo­rify fam­ily life, for your Mas­ter has wisely cho­sen the fa­ther-child re­la­tion­ship as the very cor­ner­stone of this new gospel of the king­dom. And such a match­less com­mu­nity of re­la­tion­ship, man and woman in the fond em­brace of the high­est ide­als of time, is so valu­able and sat­is­fy­ing an ex­pe­ri­ence that it is worth any price, any sac­ri­fice, req­ui­site for its pos­ses­sion.

167:5.7 read above, under ideal of marriage

woman is the interested party in promoting m. 1 paragraph

84:7.2Woman’s in­stinct to love and care for chil­dren con­spired to make her the in­ter­ested party in pro­mot­ing mar­riage and prim­i­tive fam­ily life. Man was only forced into home build­ing by the pres­sure of the later mores and so­cial con­ven­tions; he was slow to take an in­ter­est in the es­tab­lish­ment of mar­riage and home be­cause the sex act im­poses no bi­o­logic con­se­quences upon him.

Onward

See also brides; child-rearing; children; divorce; dowries; family; home; matchmakers; romance; sex: urge; sexes, the; weddings

Cited alongside: home, sex, women, Jesus, divorce, sexes, the, sacraments, children