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private property

34 paragraphs · about 7 minutes

Every paragraph the index cites under private property, once, in the order of the book. Beside each stand the entries that cite it.

66:5.3Great ad­vances were made in meth­ods of food stor­age. Food was pre­served by cook­ing, dry­ing, and smok­ing; it thus be­came the ear­li­est prop­erty. Man was taught to pro­vide for the haz­ards of famine, which pe­ri­od­i­cally dec­i­mated the world.

69:9.1While prim­i­tive so­ci­ety was vir­tu­ally com­mu­nal, prim­i­tive man did not ad­here to the mod­ern doc­trines of com­mu­nism. The com­mu­nism of these early times was not a mere the­ory or so­cial doc­trine; it was a sim­ple and prac­ti­cal au­to­matic ad­just­ment. Com­mu­nism pre­vented pau­perism and want; beg­ging and pros­ti­tu­tion were al­most un­known among these an­cient tribes.

69:9.2Prim­i­tive com­mu­nism did not es­pe­cially level men down, nor did it ex­alt medi­ocrity, but it did put a pre­mium on in­ac­tiv­ity and idle­ness, and it did sti­fle in­dus­try and de­stroy am­bi­tion. Com­mu­nism was in­dis­pens­able scaf­fold­ing in the growth of prim­i­tive so­ci­ety, but it gave way to the evo­lu­tion of a higher so­cial or­der be­cause it ran counter to four strong hu­man pro­cliv­i­ties:

69:9.31. The fam­ily. Man not only craves to ac­cu­mu­late prop­erty; he de­sires to be­queath his cap­i­tal goods to his progeny. But in early com­mu­nal so­ci­ety a man’s cap­i­tal was ei­ther im­me­di­ately con­sumed or dis­tributed among the group at his death. There was no in­her­i­tance of prop­erty—the in­her­i­tance tax was one hun­dred per cent. The later cap­i­tal-ac­cu­mu­la­tion and prop­erty-in­her­i­tance mores were a dis­tinct so­cial ad­vance. And this is true not­with­stand­ing the sub­se­quent gross abuses at­ten­dant upon the mis­use of cap­i­tal.

69:9.42. Re­li­gious ten­den­cies. Prim­i­tive man also wanted to save up prop­erty as a nu­cleus for start­ing life in the next ex­is­tence. This mo­tive ex­plains why it was so long the cus­tom to bury a man’s per­sonal be­long­ings with him. The an­cients be­lieved that only the rich sur­vived death with any im­me­di­ate plea­sure and dig­nity. The teach­ers of re­vealed re­li­gion, more es­pe­cially the Chris­tian teach­ers, were the first to pro­claim that the poor could have sal­va­tion on equal terms with the rich.

69:9.53. The de­sire for lib­erty and leisure. In the ear­lier days of so­cial evo­lu­tion the ap­por­tion­ment of in­di­vid­ual earn­ings among the group was vir­tu­ally a form of slav­ery; the worker was made slave to the idler. This was the sui­ci­dal weak­ness of com­mu­nism: The im­prov­i­dent ha­bit­u­ally lived off the thrifty. Even in mod­ern times the im­prov­i­dent de­pend on the state (thrifty tax­pay­ers) to take care of them. Those who have no cap­i­tal still ex­pect those who have to feed them.

69:9.64. The urge for se­cu­rity and power. Com­mu­nism was fi­nally de­stroyed by the de­cep­tive prac­tices of pro­gres­sive and suc­cess­ful in­di­vid­u­als who re­sorted to di­verse sub­terfuges in an ef­fort to es­cape en­slave­ment to the shift­less idlers of their tribes. But at first all hoard­ing was se­cret; prim­i­tive in­se­cu­rity pre­vented the out­ward ac­cu­mu­la­tion of cap­i­tal. And even at a later time it was most dan­ger­ous to amass too much wealth; the king would be sure to trump up some charge for con­fis­cat­ing a rich man’s prop­erty, and when a wealthy man died, the fu­neral was held up un­til the fam­ily do­nated a large sum to pub­lic wel­fare or to the king, an in­her­i­tance tax.

69:9.7In ear­li­est times women were the prop­erty of the com­mu­nity, and the mother dom­i­nated the fam­ily. The early chiefs owned all the land and were pro­pri­etors of all the women; mar­riage re­quired the con­sent of the tribal ruler. With the pass­ing of com­mu­nism, women were held in­di­vid­u­ally, and the fa­ther grad­u­ally as­sumed do­mes­tic con­trol. Thus the home had its be­gin­ning, and the pre­vail­ing polyg­a­mous cus­toms were grad­u­ally dis­placed by mo­nog­amy. (Polygamy is the sur­vival of the fe­male-slav­ery el­e­ment in mar­riage. Mo­nog­amy is the slave-free ideal of the match­less as­so­ci­a­tion of one man and one woman in the ex­qui­site en­ter­prise of home build­ing, off­spring rear­ing, mu­tual cul­ture, and self-im­prove­ment.)

69:9.8At first, all prop­erty, in­clud­ing tools and weapons, was the com­mon pos­ses­sion of the tribe. Pri­vate prop­erty first con­sisted of all things per­son­ally touched. If a stranger drank from a cup, the cup was hence­forth his. Next, any place where blood was shed be­came the prop­erty of the in­jured per­son or group.

69:9.9Pri­vate prop­erty was thus orig­i­nally re­spected be­cause it was sup­posed to be charged with some part of the owner’s per­son­al­ity. Prop­erty hon­esty rested safely on this type of su­per­sti­tion; no po­lice were needed to guard per­sonal be­long­ings. There was no steal­ing within the group, though men did not hes­i­tate to ap­pro­pri­ate the goods of other tribes. Prop­erty re­la­tions did not end with death; early, per­sonal ef­fects were burned, then buried with the dead, and later, in­her­ited by the sur­viv­ing fam­ily or by the tribe.

69:9.10The or­na­men­tal type of per­sonal ef­fects orig­i­nated in the wear­ing of charms. Van­ity plus ghost fear led early man to re­sist all at­tempts to re­lieve him of his fa­vorite charms, such prop­erty be­ing val­ued above ne­ces­si­ties.

69:9.11Sleep­ing space was one of man’s ear­li­est prop­er­ties. Later, home­sites were as­signed by the tribal chiefs, who held all real es­tate in trust for the group. Pres­ently a fire site con­ferred own­er­ship; and still later, a well con­sti­tuted ti­tle to the ad­ja­cent land.

69:9.12Wa­ter holes and wells were among the first pri­vate pos­ses­sions. The whole fe­tish prac­tice was uti­lized to guard wa­ter holes, wells, trees, crops, and honey. Fol­low­ing the loss of faith in the fe­tish, laws were evolved to pro­tect pri­vate be­long­ings. But game laws, the right to hunt, long pre­ceded land laws. The Amer­i­can red man never un­der­stood pri­vate own­er­ship of land; he could not com­pre­hend the white man’s view.

69:9.13Pri­vate prop­erty was early marked by fam­ily in­signia, and this is the early ori­gin of fam­ily crests. Real es­tate could also be put un­der the watch­care of spir­its. The priests would “con­se­crate” a piece of land, and it would then rest un­der the pro­tec­tion of the magic taboos erected thereon. Own­ers thereof were said to have a “priest’s ti­tle.” The He­brews had great re­spect for these fam­ily land­marks: “Cursed be he who re­moves his neigh­bor’s land­mark.” These stone mark­ers bore the priest’s ini­tials. Even trees, when ini­tialed, be­came pri­vate prop­erty.

69:9.14In early days only the crops were pri­vate, but suc­ces­sive crops con­ferred ti­tle; agri­cul­ture was thus the gen­e­sis of the pri­vate own­er­ship of land. In­di­vid­u­als were first given only a life tenure­ship; at death land re­verted to the tribe. The very first land ti­tles granted by tribes to in­di­vid­u­als were graves—fam­ily bury­ing grounds. In later times land be­longed to those who fenced it. But the cities al­ways re­served cer­tain lands for pub­lic pas­turage and for use in case of siege; these “com­mons” rep­re­sent the sur­vival of the ear­lier form of col­lec­tive own­er­ship.

69:9.15Even­tu­ally the state as­signed prop­erty to the in­di­vid­ual, re­serv­ing the right of tax­a­tion. Hav­ing made se­cure their ti­tles, land­lords could col­lect rents, and land be­came a source of in­come—cap­i­tal. Fi­nally land be­came truly ne­go­tiable, with sales, trans­fers, mort­gages, and fore­clo­sures.

69:9.16Pri­vate own­er­ship brought in­creased lib­erty and en­hanced sta­bil­ity; but pri­vate own­er­ship of land was given so­cial sanc­tion only af­ter com­mu­nal con­trol and di­rec­tion had failed, and it was soon fol­lowed by a suc­ces­sion of slaves, serfs, and land­less classes. But im­proved ma­chin­ery is grad­u­ally set­ting men free from slav­ish toil.

69:9.17The right to prop­erty is not ab­so­lute; it is purely so­cial. But all gov­ern­ment, law, or­der, civil rights, so­cial lib­er­ties, con­ven­tions, peace, and hap­pi­ness, as they are en­joyed by mod­ern peo­ples, have grown up around the pri­vate own­er­ship of prop­erty.

69:9.18The pres­ent so­cial or­der is not nec­es­sar­ily right—not di­vine or sa­cred—but man­kind will do well to move slowly in mak­ing changes. That which you have is vastly bet­ter than any sys­tem known to your an­ces­tors. Make cer­tain that when you change the so­cial or­der you change for the bet­ter. Do not be per­suaded to ex­per­i­ment with the dis­carded for­mu­las of your fore­fa­thers. Go for­ward, not back­ward! Let evo­lu­tion pro­ceed! Do not take a back­ward step.

69:9.19[Pre­sented by a Mel­chiz­e­dek of Neb­a­don.]

70:0.1No sooner had man par­tially solved the prob­lem of mak­ing a liv­ing than he was con­fronted with the task of reg­u­lat­ing hu­man con­tacts. The de­vel­op­ment of in­dus­try de­manded law, or­der, and so­cial ad­just­ment; pri­vate prop­erty ne­ces­si­tated gov­ern­ment.

70:9.75. Prop­erty—the right to own.

70:11.8Prop­erty dis­putes were han­dled in many ways, such as:

70:11.91. By de­stroy­ing the dis­puted prop­erty.

70:11.102. By force—the con­tes­tants fought it out.

70:11.113. By ar­bi­tra­tion—a third party de­cided.

70:11.124. By ap­peal to the el­ders—later to the courts.

71:1.41. Ac­quire­ment and in­her­i­tance of pri­vate prop­erty.

71:1.5–16 · twelve paragraphs not cited here ·

71:1.52. Cities plus agri­cul­ture and in­dus­try.

71:1.63. Help­ful do­mes­tic an­i­mals.

71:1.74. Prac­ti­cal fam­ily or­ga­ni­za­tion. These red men clung to the mother-fam­ily and nephew in­her­i­tance.

71:1.85. Def­i­nite ter­ri­tory.

71:1.96. A strong ex­ec­u­tive head.

71:1.107. En­slave­ment of cap­tives—they ei­ther adopted or mas­sa­cred them.

71:1.118. De­ci­sive con­quests.

71:1.12The red men were too demo­cratic; they had a good gov­ern­ment, but it failed. Even­tu­ally they would have evolved a state had they not pre­ma­turely en­coun­tered the more ad­vanced civ­i­liza­tion of the white man, who was pur­su­ing the gov­ern­men­tal meth­ods of the Greeks and the Ro­mans.

71:1.13The suc­cess­ful Ro­man state was based on:

71:1.141. The fa­ther-fam­ily.

71:1.152. Agri­cul­ture and the do­mes­ti­ca­tion of an­i­mals.

71:1.163. Con­den­sa­tion of pop­u­la­tion—cities.

71:1.174. Pri­vate prop­erty and land.

71:2.145. Se­cu­rity of prop­erty. No gov­ern­ment can long en­dure if it fails to pro­vide for the right to en­joy per­sonal prop­erty in some form. Man craves the right to use, con­trol, be­stow, sell, lease, and be­queath his per­sonal prop­erty.

81:2.74. Pri­vate prop­erty.

81:2.8–12 · five paragraphs not cited here ·

81:2.8While fire, the first great dis­cov­ery, even­tu­ally un­locked the doors of the sci­en­tific world, it was of lit­tle value in this re­gard to prim­i­tive man. He re­fused to rec­og­nize nat­u­ral causes as ex­pla­na­tions for com­mon­place phe­nom­ena.

81:2.9When asked where fire came from, the sim­ple story of An­don and the flint was soon re­placed by the leg­end of how some Prometheus stole it from heaven. The an­cients sought a super­nat­u­ral ex­pla­na­tion for all nat­u­ral phe­nom­ena not within the range of their per­sonal com­pre­hen­sion; and many mod­erns con­tinue to do this. The de­per­son­al­iza­tion of so-called nat­u­ral phe­nom­ena has re­quired ages, and it is not yet com­pleted. But the frank, hon­est, and fear­less search for true causes gave birth to mod­ern sci­ence: It turned as­trol­ogy into as­tron­omy, alchemy into chem­istry, and magic into med­i­cine.

81:2.10In the prema­chine age the only way in which man could ac­com­plish work with­out do­ing it him­self was to use an an­i­mal. Do­mes­ti­ca­tion of an­i­mals placed in his hands liv­ing tools, the in­tel­li­gent use of which pre­pared the way for both agri­cul­ture and trans­porta­tion. And with­out these an­i­mals man could not have risen from his prim­i­tive es­tate to the lev­els of sub­se­quent civ­i­liza­tion.

81:2.11Most of the an­i­mals best suited to do­mes­ti­ca­tion were found in Asia, es­pe­cially in the cen­tral to south­west re­gions. This was one rea­son why civ­i­liza­tion pro­gressed faster in that lo­cal­ity than in other parts of the world. Many of these an­i­mals had been twice be­fore do­mes­ti­cated, and in the And­ite age they were re­tamed once again. But the dog had re­mained with the hunters ever since be­ing adopted by the blue man long, long be­fore.

81:2.12The And­ites of Tur­kes­tan were the first peo­ples to ex­ten­sively do­mes­ti­cate the horse, and this is an­other rea­son why their cul­ture was for so long pre­dom­i­nant. By 5000 B.C. the Mes­o­po­ta­mian, Tur­kes­tan, and Chi­nese farm­ers had be­gun the rais­ing of sheep, goats, cows, camels, horses, fowls, and ele­phants. They em­ployed as beasts of bur­den the ox, camel, horse, and yak. Man was him­self at one time the beast of bur­den. One ruler of the blue race once had one hun­dred thou­sand men in his colony of bur­den bear­ers.

81:2.13The in­sti­tu­tions of slav­ery and pri­vate own­er­ship of land came with agri­cul­ture. Slav­ery raised the mas­ter’s stan­dard of liv­ing and pro­vided more leisure for so­cial cul­ture.

84:8.6Let man en­joy him­self; let the hu­man race find plea­sure in a thou­sand and one ways; let evo­lu­tion­ary man­kind ex­plore all forms of le­git­i­mate self-grat­i­fi­ca­tion, the fruits of the long up­ward bi­o­logic strug­gle. Man has well earned some of his pres­ent-day joys and plea­sures. But look you well to the goal of des­tiny! Plea­sures are in­deed sui­ci­dal if they suc­ceed in de­stroy­ing prop­erty, which has be­come the in­sti­tu­tion of self-main­te­nance; and self-grat­i­fi­ca­tions have in­deed cost a fa­tal price if they bring about the col­lapse of mar­riage, the deca­dence of fam­ily life, and the de­struc­tion of the home—man’s su­preme evo­lu­tion­ary ac­quire­ment and civ­i­liza­tion’s only hope of sur­vival.

89:3.2Just about the time bar­bar­ian man was re­cov­er­ing from the waste­ful prac­tice of burn­ing and bury­ing prop­erty with the dead, just as the eco­nomic struc­ture of the races was be­gin­ning to take shape, this new re­li­gious doc­trine of re­nun­ci­a­tion ap­peared, and tens of thou­sands of earnest souls be­gan to court pov­erty. Prop­erty was re­garded as a spir­i­tual hand­i­cap. These no­tions of the spir­i­tual dan­gers of ma­te­rial pos­ses­sion were widespreadly en­ter­tained in the times of Philo and Paul, and they have markedly in­flu­enced Eu­ro­pean phi­los­o­phy ever since.

Onward

See also capital; competition; possessions; wealth

Cited alongside: law, government, blood