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government

271 paragraphs · about 83 minutes

Every paragraph the index cites under government, once, in the order of the book. Beside each stand the entries that cite it.

3:2.1All the uni­verses know that “the Lord God om­nipo­tent reigns.” The af­fairs of this world and other worlds are di­vinely super­vised. “He does ac­cord­ing to his will in the army of heaven and among the in­hab­i­tants of the earth.” It is eter­nally true, “there is no power but of God.”

3:5.1In his con­tact with the post-Ha­vona cre­ations, the Uni­ver­sal Fa­ther does not ex­er­cise his in­fi­nite power and fi­nal au­thor­ity by di­rect trans­mit­tal but rather through his Sons and their sub­or­di­nate per­son­al­i­ties. And God does all this of his own free will. Any and all pow­ers del­e­gated, if oc­ca­sion should arise, if it should be­come the choice of the di­vine mind, could be ex­er­cised di­rect; but, as a rule, such ac­tion only takes place as a re­sult of the fail­ure of the del­e­gated per­son­al­ity to ful­fill the di­vine trust. At such times and in the face of such de­fault and within the lim­its of the reser­va­tion of di­vine power and po­ten­tial, the Fa­ther does act in­de­pen­dently and in ac­cor­dance with the man­dates of his own choice; and that choice is al­ways one of un­fail­ing per­fec­tion and in­fi­nite wis­dom.

3:5.2The Fa­ther rules through his Sons; on down through the uni­verse or­ga­ni­za­tion there is an un­bro­ken chain of rulers end­ing with the Plan­e­tary Princes, who di­rect the des­tinies of the evo­lu­tion­ary spheres of the Fa­ther’s vast do­mains. It is no mere po­etic ex­pres­sion that ex­claims: “The earth is the Lord’s and the full­ness thereof.” “He re­moves kings and sets up kings.” “The Most Highs rule in the king­doms of men.”

6:8.3As per­sons you may con­ceive of the Uni­ver­sal Fa­ther and the Eter­nal Son as sep­a­rate in­di­vid­u­als, for they in­deed are; but in the ad­min­is­tra­tion of the uni­verses they are so in­ter­twined and in­ter­re­lated that it is not al­ways pos­si­ble to dis­tin­guish be­tween them. When, in the af­fairs of the uni­verses, the Fa­ther and the Son are en­coun­tered in con­fus­ing in­teras­so­ci­a­tions, it is not al­ways prof­itable to at­tempt to seg­re­gate their op­er­a­tions; merely re­call that God is the ini­ti­at­ing thought and the Son is the ex­pres­sion­ful word. In each lo­cal uni­verse this in­sep­a­ra­bil­ity is per­son­al­ized in the di­vin­ity of the Cre­ator Son, who stands for both Fa­ther and Son to the crea­tures of ten mil­lion in­hab­ited worlds.

7:2.4The ad­min­is­tra­tion of the Eter­nal Son in the super­uni­verses, be­ing ex­clu­sively spir­i­tual and super­per­sonal, is not dis­cern­i­ble by crea­ture per­son­al­i­ties. Nonethe­less, the all-per­vad­ing spir­i­tual urge of the Son’s per­sonal in­flu­ence is en­coun­tered in ev­ery phase of the ac­tiv­i­ties of all sec­tors of the do­mains of the An­cients of Days. In the lo­cal uni­verses, how­ever, we ob­serve the Eter­nal Son per­son­ally pres­ent in the per­sons of the Par­a­dise Sons. Here the in­fi­nite Son spir­i­tu­ally and cre­atively func­tions in the per­sons of the ma­jes­tic corps of the co-or­di­nate Cre­ator Sons.

14:3.1Con­cern­ing the gov­ern­ment of the cen­tral uni­verse, there is none. Ha­vona is so ex­qui­sitely per­fect that no in­tel­lec­tual sys­tem of gov­ern­ment is re­quired. There are no reg­u­larly con­sti­tuted courts, nei­ther are there leg­isla­tive as­sem­blies; Ha­vona re­quires only ad­min­is­tra­tive di­rec­tion. Here may be ob­served the height of the ide­als of true self-gov­ern­ment.

14:3.2There is no need of gov­ern­ment among such per­fect and near-per­fect in­tel­li­gences. They stand in no need of reg­u­la­tion, for they are be­ings of na­tive per­fec­tion in­ter­spersed with evo­lu­tion­ary crea­tures who have long since passed the scrutiny of the su­preme tri­bu­nals of the super­uni­verses.

14:5.3The reg­u­la­tions of the cen­tral uni­verse are fit­tingly and in­her­ently nat­u­ral; the rules of con­duct are not ar­bi­trary. In ev­ery re­quire­ment of Ha­vona there is dis­closed the rea­son of righ­teous­ness and the rule of jus­tice. And these two fac­tors, com­bined, equal what on Uran­tia would be de­nom­i­nated fair­ness. When you ar­rive in Ha­vona, you will nat­u­rally en­joy do­ing things the way they should be done.

22:4.3Since Those with­out Name and Num­ber are the su­pe­rior spir­i­tual minds of the sur­vival races, they are es­pe­cially qual­i­fied to sit in judg­ment and to ren­der opin­ions when a spir­i­tual view­point is de­sir­able, and when ex­pe­ri­ence in the as­cen­dant ca­reer is es­sen­tial to an ad­e­quate com­pre­hen­sion of the ques­tions in­volved in the prob­lem to be ad­ju­di­cated. They are the su­preme ju­rors of Or­von­ton. A mal­ad­min­is­tered jury sys­tem may be more or less of a trav­esty of jus­tice on some worlds, but on Uversa and its ex­ten­sion tri­bu­nals we em­ploy the high­est type of evolved spir­i­tual men­tal­ity as ju­ror-judges. Ad­ju­di­ca­tion is the high­est func­tion of any gov­ern­ment, and those who are in­trusted with ver­dict ren­der­ing should be cho­sen from the high­est and most no­ble types of the most ex­pe­ri­enced and un­der­stand­ing in­di­vid­u­als.

33:6.3The var­i­ous sub­ad­min­is­tra­tions of the uni­verse have as­signed to them cer­tain spe­cial do­mains of re­spon­si­bil­ity. While, in gen­eral, a sys­tem gov­ern­ment looks af­ter the wel­fare of its plan­ets, it is more par­tic­u­larly con­cerned with the phys­i­cal sta­tus of liv­ing be­ings, with bi­o­logic prob­lems. In turn, the con­stel­la­tion rulers pay es­pe­cial at­ten­tion to the so­cial and gov­ern­men­tal con­di­tions pre­vail­ing on the dif­fer­ent plan­ets and sys­tems. A con­stel­la­tion gov­ern­ment is chiefly ex­er­cised over uni­fi­ca­tion and sta­bi­liza­tion. Still higher up, the uni­verse rulers are more oc­cu­pied with the spir­i­tual sta­tus of the realms.

35:1.3The Mel­chiz­e­deks of our uni­verse were all cre­ated within one mil­len­nial pe­riod of stan­dard time by the Cre­ator Son and the Cre­ative Spirit in li­ai­son with the Fa­ther Mel­chiz­e­dek. Be­ing an or­der of son­ship wherein one of their own num­ber func­tioned as co-or­di­nate cre­ator, Mel­chiz­e­deks are in con­sti­tu­tion partly of self-ori­gin and there­fore can­di­dates for the re­al­iza­tion of a su­per­nal type of self-gov­ern­ment. They pe­ri­od­i­cally elect their own ad­min­is­tra­tive chief for a term of seven years of stan­dard time and oth­er­wise func­tion as a self-reg­u­lat­ing or­der, though the orig­i­nal Mel­chiz­e­dek does ex­er­cise cer­tain in­her­ent co­parental pre­rog­a­tives. From time to time this Fa­ther Mel­chiz­e­dek des­ig­nates cer­tain in­di­vid­u­als of his or­der to func­tion as spe­cial Life Car­ri­ers to the mid­sonite worlds, a type of in­hab­ited planet not here­to­fore re­vealed on Uran­tia.

39:3.74. Eth­i­cal Sen­si­tiz­ers. It is the mis­sion of these ser­a­phim to fos­ter and to pro­mote the growth of crea­ture ap­pre­ci­a­tion of the moral­ity of in­ter­per­sonal re­la­tion­ships, for such is the seed and se­cret of the con­tin­ued and pur­pose­ful growth of so­ci­ety and gov­ern­ment, hu­man or super­hu­man. These en­hancers of eth­i­cal ap­pre­ci­a­tion func­tion any­where and ev­ery­where they may be of ser­vice, as vol­un­teer coun­selors to the plan­e­tary rulers and as ex­change teach­ers on the sys­tem train­ing worlds. You will not, how­ever, come un­der their full guid­ance un­til you reach the broth­er­hood schools on Eden­tia, where they will quicken your ap­pre­ci­a­tion of those very truths of fra­ter­nity which you will even then be so earnestly ex­plor­ing by the ac­tual ex­pe­ri­ence of liv­ing with the uni­v­i­ta­tia in the so­cial lab­o­ra­to­ries of Eden­tia, the sev­enty satel­lites of the Nor­la­ti­adek cap­i­tal.

39:4.9The se­raphic in­ter­preters of cos­mic cit­i­zen­ship guide the new cit­i­zens of the sys­tem cap­i­tals and quicken their ap­pre­ci­a­tion of the re­spon­si­bil­i­ties of uni­verse gov­ern­ment. These ser­a­phim are also closely as­so­ci­ated with the Ma­te­rial Sons in the sys­tem ad­min­is­tra­tion, while they por­tray the re­spon­si­bil­ity and moral­ity of cos­mic cit­i­zen­ship to the ma­te­rial mor­tals on the in­hab­ited worlds.

43:3.4Down through the ages there has been great con­fu­sion on Uran­tia re­gard­ing the var­i­ous uni­verse rulers. Many later teach­ers con­fused their vague and in­def­i­nite tribal de­i­ties with the Most High Fa­thers. Still later, the He­brews merged all of these ce­les­tial rulers into a com­pos­ite De­ity. One teacher un­der­stood that the Most Highs were not the Su­preme Rulers, for he said, “He who dwells in the se­cret place of the Most High shall abide un­der the shadow of the Al­mighty.” In the Uran­tia rec­ords it is very dif­fi­cult at times to know ex­actly who is re­ferred to by the term “Most High.” But Daniel fully un­der­stood these mat­ters. He said, “The Most High rules in the king­dom of men and gives it to whom­so­ever he will.”

43:9.4As­cend­ing mor­tals on Eden­tia are chiefly oc­cu­pied with the as­sign­ments on the sev­enty pro­gres­sive uni­v­i­ta­tia worlds. They also serve in var­ied ca­pac­i­ties on Eden­tia it­self, mainly in con­junc­tion with the con­stel­la­tion pro­gram con­cerned with group, racial, na­tional, and plan­e­tary wel­fare. The Most Highs are not so much en­gaged in fos­ter­ing in­di­vid­ual ad­vance­ment on the in­hab­ited worlds; they rule in the king­doms of men rather than in the hearts of in­di­vid­u­als.

45:7.3The Mel­chiz­e­dek Sons con­duct up­ward of thirty dif­fer­ent ed­u­ca­tional cen­ters on Je­ru­sem. These train­ing schools be­gin with the col­lege of self-eval­u­a­tion and end with the schools of Je­ru­sem cit­i­zen­ship, wherein the Ma­te­rial Sons and Daugh­ters join with the Mel­chiz­e­deks and oth­ers in their su­preme ef­fort to qual­ify the mor­tal sur­vivors for the as­sump­tion of the high re­spon­si­bil­i­ties of rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment. The en­tire uni­verse is or­ga­nized and ad­min­is­tered on the rep­re­sen­ta­tive plan. Rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment is the di­vine ideal of self-gov­ern­ment among non­per­fect be­ings.

50:2.6The rov­ing com­mis­sions of con­cil­ia­tors serve and sup­ple­ment the plan­e­tary tri­bu­nals, and both spirit and phys­i­cal con­trol­lers are sub­ject to the find­ings of these con­cil­ia­tors. But no ar­bi­trary ex­e­cu­tion is ever car­ried out with­out the con­sent of the Con­stel­la­tion Fa­ther, for the “Most Highs rule in the king­doms of men.”

52:3.11Dur­ing the clos­ing cen­turies of the post-Adamic age there de­vel­ops new in­ter­est in art, mu­sic, and lit­er­a­ture, and this world-wide awak­en­ing is the sig­nal for the ap­pear­ance of a Mag­is­te­rial Son. The crown­ing de­vel­op­ment of this era is the uni­ver­sal in­ter­est in in­tel­lec­tual re­al­i­ties, true phi­los­o­phy. Re­li­gion be­comes less na­tion­al­is­tic, be­comes more and more a plan­e­tary af­fair. New rev­e­la­tions of truth char­ac­ter­ize these ages, and the Most Highs of the con­stel­la­tions be­gin to rule in the af­fairs of men. Truth is re­vealed up to the ad­min­is­tra­tion of the con­stel­la­tions.

52:4.6The po­lit­i­cal gov­ern­ment and so­cial ad­min­is­tra­tion of the races con­tinue to im­prove, self-gov­ern­ment be­ing fairly well es­tab­lished by the end of this age. By self-gov­ern­ment we re­fer to the high­est type of rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment. Such worlds ad­vance and honor only those lead­ers and rulers who are most fit to bear so­cial and po­lit­i­cal re­spon­si­bil­i­ties.

52:7.5Life dur­ing this era is pleas­ant and prof­itable. De­gen­er­acy and the an­ti­so­cial end prod­ucts of the long evo­lu­tion­ary strug­gle have been vir­tu­ally oblit­er­ated. The length of life ap­proaches five hun­dred Uran­tia years, and the re­pro­duc­tive rate of racial in­crease is in­tel­li­gently con­trolled. An en­tirely new or­der of so­ci­ety has ar­rived. There are still great dif­fer­ences among mor­tals, but the state of so­ci­ety more nearly ap­proaches the ide­als of so­cial broth­er­hood and spir­i­tual equal­ity. Rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment is van­ish­ing, and the world is pass­ing un­der the rule of in­di­vid­ual self-con­trol. The func­tion of gov­ern­ment is chiefly di­rected to col­lec­tive tasks of so­cial ad­min­is­tra­tion and eco­nomic co-or­di­na­tion. The golden age is com­ing on apace; the tem­po­ral goal of the long and in­tense plan­e­tary evo­lu­tion­ary strug­gle is in sight. The re­ward of the ages is soon to be re­al­ized; the wis­dom of the Gods is about to be man­i­fested.

55:3.2Hu­man gov­ern­ment in the con­duct of ma­te­rial af­fairs con­tin­ues to func­tion through­out this age of rel­a­tive prog­ress and per­fec­tion. The pub­lic ac­tiv­i­ties of a world in the first stage of light and life which I re­cently vis­ited were fi­nanced by the tithing tech­nique. Ev­ery adult worker—and all able-bod­ied cit­i­zens worked at some­thing—paid ten per cent of his in­come or in­crease to the pub­lic trea­sury, and it was dis­bursed as fol­lows:

55:3.3–8 · six paragraphs not cited here ·

55:3.31. Three per cent was ex­pended in the pro­mo­tion of truth—sci­ence, ed­u­ca­tion, and phi­los­o­phy.

55:3.42. Three per cent was de­voted to beauty—play, so­cial leisure, and art.

55:3.53. Three per cent was ded­i­cated to good­ness—so­cial ser­vice, al­tru­ism, and re­li­gion.

55:3.64. One per cent was as­signed to the in­sur­ance re­serves against the risk of in­ca­pac­ity for la­bor re­sul­tant from ac­ci­dent, dis­ease, old age, or un­pre­ventable dis­as­ters.

55:3.7The nat­u­ral re­sources of this planet were ad­min­is­tered as so­cial pos­ses­sions, com­mu­nity prop­erty.

55:3.8On this world the high­est honor con­ferred upon a cit­i­zen was the or­der of “su­preme ser­vice,” be­ing the only de­gree of rec­og­ni­tion ever to be granted in the mor­ontia tem­ple. This rec­og­ni­tion was be­stowed upon those who had long dis­tin­guished them­selves in some phase of super­ma­te­rial dis­cov­ery or plan­e­tary so­cial ser­vice.

55:3.9The ma­jor­ity of so­cial and ad­min­is­tra­tive posts were held jointly by men and women. Most of the teach­ing was also done jointly; like­wise all ju­di­cial trusts were dis­charged by sim­i­lar as­so­ci­ated cou­ples.

55:4.15Dur­ing this or the fol­low­ing age a Teacher Son, as­sisted by the min­is­ter­ing-spirit quar­tet, be­comes at­tached to the elec­tive mor­tal chief ex­ec­u­tive, who now be­comes as­so­ci­ated with the Plan­e­tary Sov­er­eign as joint ad­min­is­tra­tor of world af­fairs. These mor­tal chief ex­ec­u­tives serve for twenty-five years of plan­e­tary time, and it is this new de­vel­op­ment that makes it easy for the Plan­e­tary Adam and Eve to se­cure re­lease from their world of long-time as­sign­ment dur­ing the fol­low­ing ages.

55:5.4War has be­come a mat­ter of his­tory, and there are no more armies or po­lice forces. Gov­ern­ment is grad­u­ally dis­ap­pear­ing. Self-con­trol is slowly ren­der­ing laws of hu­man en­act­ment ob­so­lete. The ex­tent of civil gov­ern­ment and statu­tory reg­u­la­tion, in an in­ter­me­di­ate state of ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion, is in in­verse pro­por­tion to the moral­ity and spir­i­tu­al­ity of the cit­i­zen­ship.

63:6.8On­a­gar was born 983,323 years ago (from A.D. 1934), and he lived to be sixty-nine years of age. The rec­ord of the achieve­ments of this mas­ter mind and spir­i­tual leader of the pre-Plan­e­tary Prince days is a thrilling recital of the or­ga­ni­za­tion of these prim­i­tive peo­ples into a real so­ci­ety. He in­sti­tuted an ef­fi­cient tribal gov­ern­ment, the like of which was not at­tained by suc­ceed­ing gen­er­a­tions in many mil­len­ni­ums. Never again, un­til the ar­rival of the Plan­e­tary Prince, was there such a high spir­i­tual civ­i­liza­tion on earth. These sim­ple peo­ple had a real though prim­i­tive re­li­gion, but it was sub­se­quently lost to their de­te­ri­o­rat­ing de­scen­dants.

68:6.11From a world stand­point, over­pop­u­la­tion has never been a se­ri­ous prob­lem in the past, but if war is less­ened and sci­ence in­creas­ingly con­trols hu­man dis­eases, it may be­come a se­ri­ous prob­lem in the near fu­ture. At such a time the great test of the wis­dom of world lead­er­ship will pre­sent it­self. Will Uran­tia rulers have the in­sight and cour­age to fos­ter the mul­ti­pli­ca­tion of the av­er­age or sta­bi­lized hu­man be­ing in­stead of the ex­tremes of the super­nor­mal and the enor­mously in­creas­ing groups of the sub­nor­mal? The nor­mal man should be fos­tered; he is the back­bone of civ­i­liza­tion and the source of the mu­tant ge­niuses of the race. The sub­nor­mal man should be kept un­der so­ci­ety’s con­trol; no more should be pro­duced than are re­quired to ad­min­is­ter the lower lev­els of in­dus­try, those tasks re­quir­ing in­tel­li­gence above the an­i­mal level but mak­ing such low-grade de­mands as to prove ver­i­ta­ble slav­ery and bond­age for the higher types of man­kind.

69:9.17The right to prop­erty is not ab­so­lute; it is purely so­cial. But all gov­ern­ment, law, or­der, civil rights, so­cial lib­er­ties, con­ven­tions, peace, and hap­pi­ness, as they are en­joyed by mod­ern peo­ples, have grown up around the pri­vate own­er­ship of prop­erty.

Paper 70, The Evolution of Human Government, is cited whole. Read it in the reader ›

70:0.1No sooner had man par­tially solved the prob­lem of mak­ing a liv­ing than he was con­fronted with the task of reg­u­lat­ing hu­man con­tacts. The de­vel­op­ment of in­dus­try de­manded law, or­der, and so­cial ad­just­ment; pri­vate prop­erty ne­ces­si­tated gov­ern­ment.

70:0.2On an evo­lu­tion­ary world, an­tag­o­nisms are nat­u­ral; peace is se­cured only by some sort of so­cial reg­u­la­tive sys­tem. So­cial reg­u­la­tion is in­sep­a­ra­ble from so­cial or­ga­ni­za­tion; as­so­ci­a­tion im­plies some con­trol­ling au­thor­ity. Gov­ern­ment com­pels the co-or­di­na­tion of the an­tag­o­nisms of the tribes, clans, fam­i­lies, and in­di­vid­u­als.

70:0.3Gov­ern­ment is an un­con­scious de­vel­op­ment; it evolves by trial and er­ror. It does have sur­vival value; there­fore it be­comes tra­di­tional. An­ar­chy aug­mented mis­ery; there­fore gov­ern­ment, com­par­a­tive law and or­der, slowly emerged or is emerg­ing. The co­er­cive de­mands of the strug­gle for ex­is­tence lit­er­ally drove the hu­man race along the pro­gres­sive road to civ­i­liza­tion.

70:1.147. Re­li­gion—the de­sire to make con­verts to the cult. The prim­i­tive re­li­gions all sanc­tioned war. Only in re­cent times has re­li­gion be­gun to frown upon war. The early priest­hoods were, un­for­tu­nately, usu­ally al­lied with the mil­i­tary power. One of the great peace moves of the ages has been the at­tempt to sep­a­rate church and state.

70:5.1Ev­ery hu­man in­sti­tu­tion had a be­gin­ning, and civil gov­ern­ment is a prod­uct of pro­gres­sive evo­lu­tion just as much as are mar­riage, in­dus­try, and re­li­gion. From the early clans and prim­i­tive tribes there grad­u­ally de­vel­oped the suc­ces­sive or­ders of hu­man gov­ern­ment which have come and gone right on down to those forms of so­cial and civil reg­u­la­tion that char­ac­ter­ize the sec­ond third of the twen­ti­eth cen­tury.

70:5.2With the grad­ual emer­gence of the fam­ily units the foun­da­tions of gov­ern­ment were es­tab­lished in the clan or­ga­ni­za­tion, the group­ing of con­san­guineous fam­i­lies. The first real gov­ern­men­tal body was the coun­cil of the el­ders. This reg­u­la­tive group was com­posed of old men who had dis­tin­guished them­selves in some ef­fi­cient man­ner. Wis­dom and ex­pe­ri­ence were early ap­pre­ci­ated even by bar­baric man, and there en­sued a long age of the dom­i­na­tion of the el­ders. This reign of the oli­garchy of age grad­u­ally grew into the pa­tri­ar­chal idea.

70:5.3In the early coun­cil of the el­ders there resided the po­ten­tial of all gov­ern­men­tal func­tions: ex­ec­u­tive, leg­isla­tive, and ju­di­cial. When the coun­cil in­ter­preted the cur­rent mores, it was a court; when es­tab­lish­ing new modes of so­cial us­age, it was a leg­is­la­ture; to the ex­tent that such de­crees and en­act­ments were en­forced, it was the ex­ec­u­tive. The chair­man of the coun­cil was one of the fore­run­ners of the later tribal chief.

70:5.4Some tribes had fe­male coun­cils, and from time to time many tribes had women rulers. Cer­tain tribes of the red man pre­served the teach­ing of Ona­mo­na­lon­ton in fol­low­ing the unan­i­mous rule of the “coun­cil of seven.”

70:5.5It has been hard for man­kind to learn that nei­ther peace nor war can be run by a de­bat­ing so­ci­ety. The prim­i­tive “palavers” were sel­dom use­ful. The race early learned that an army com­manded by a group of clan heads had no chance against a strong one-man army. War has al­ways been a king­maker.

70:5.6At first the war chiefs were cho­sen only for mil­i­tary ser­vice, and they would re­lin­quish some of their au­thor­ity dur­ing peace­times, when their du­ties were of a more so­cial na­ture. But grad­u­ally they be­gan to en­croach upon the peace in­ter­vals, tend­ing to con­tinue to rule from one war on through to the next. They of­ten saw to it that one war was not too long in fol­low­ing an­other. These early war lords were not fond of peace.

70:5.7In later times some chiefs were cho­sen for other than mil­i­tary ser­vice, be­ing se­lected be­cause of un­usual physique or out­stand­ing per­sonal abil­i­ties. The red men of­ten had two sets of chiefs—the sachems, or peace chiefs, and the hered­i­tary war chiefs. The peace rulers were also judges and teach­ers.

70:5.8Some early com­mu­ni­ties were ruled by med­i­cine men, who of­ten acted as chiefs. One man would act as priest, physi­cian, and chief ex­ec­u­tive. Quite of­ten the early royal in­signias had orig­i­nally been the sym­bols or em­blems of priestly dress.

70:5.9And it was by these steps that the ex­ec­u­tive branch of gov­ern­ment grad­u­ally came into ex­is­tence. The clan and tribal coun­cils con­tin­ued in an ad­vi­sory ca­pac­ity and as fore­run­ners of the later ap­pear­ing leg­isla­tive and ju­di­cial branches. In Africa, to­day, all these forms of prim­i­tive gov­ern­ment are in ac­tual ex­is­tence among the var­i­ous tribes.

70:6.1Ef­fec­tive state rule only came with the ar­rival of a chief with full ex­ec­u­tive au­thor­ity. Man found that ef­fec­tive gov­ern­ment could be had only by con­fer­ring power on a per­son­al­ity, not by en­dow­ing an idea.

70:6.2Ruler­ship grew out of the idea of fam­ily au­thor­ity or wealth. When a pa­tri­ar­chal kinglet be­came a real king, he was some­times called “fa­ther of his peo­ple.” Later on, kings were thought to have sprung from heroes. And still fur­ther on, ruler­ship be­came hered­i­tary, due to be­lief in the di­vine ori­gin of kings.

70:6.3Hered­i­tary king­ship avoided the an­ar­chy which had pre­vi­ously wrought such havoc be­tween the death of a king and the elec­tion of a suc­ces­sor. The fam­ily had a bi­o­logic head; the clan, a se­lected nat­u­ral leader; the tribe and later state had no nat­u­ral leader, and this was an ad­di­tional rea­son for mak­ing the chief-kings hered­i­tary. The idea of royal fam­i­lies and aris­toc­racy was also based on the mores of “name own­er­ship” in the clans.

70:6.4The suc­ces­sion of kings was even­tu­ally re­garded as super­nat­u­ral, the royal blood be­ing thought to ex­tend back to the times of the ma­te­ri­al­ized staff of Prince Cali­gas­tia. Thus kings be­came fe­tish per­son­al­i­ties and were in­or­di­nately feared, a spe­cial form of speech be­ing adopted for court us­age. Even in re­cent times it was be­lieved that the touch of kings would cure dis­ease, and some Uran­tia peo­ples still re­gard their rulers as hav­ing had a di­vine ori­gin.

70:6.5The early fe­tish king was of­ten kept in seclu­sion; he was re­garded as too sa­cred to be viewed ex­cept on feast days and holy days. Or­di­nar­ily a rep­re­sen­ta­tive was cho­sen to im­per­son­ate him, and this is the ori­gin of prime min­is­ters. The first cab­i­net of­fi­cer was a food ad­min­is­tra­tor; oth­ers shortly fol­lowed. Rulers soon ap­pointed rep­re­sen­ta­tives to be in charge of com­merce and re­li­gion; and the de­vel­op­ment of a cab­i­net was a di­rect step to­ward de­per­son­al­iza­tion of ex­ec­u­tive au­thor­ity. These as­sis­tants of the early kings be­came the ac­cepted no­bil­ity, and the king’s wife grad­u­ally rose to the dig­nity of queen as women came to be held in higher es­teem.

70:6.6Un­scrupu­lous rulers gained great power by the dis­cov­ery of poi­son. Early court magic was di­a­bol­i­cal; the king’s en­e­mies soon died. But even the most despotic tyrant was sub­ject to some re­stric­tions; he was at least re­strained by the ever-pres­ent fear of as­sas­si­na­tion. The med­i­cine men, witch doc­tors, and priests have al­ways been a pow­er­ful check on the kings. Sub­se­quently, the landown­ers, the aris­toc­racy, ex­erted a re­strain­ing in­flu­ence. And ever and anon the clans and tribes would sim­ply rise up and over­throw their despots and tyrants. De­posed rulers, when sen­tenced to death, were of­ten given the op­tion of com­mit­ting sui­cide, which gave ori­gin to the an­cient so­cial vogue of sui­cide in cer­tain cir­cum­stances.

70:7.17These so­ci­eties gave rise to the first po­lit­i­cal par­ties. The first party gov­ern­ment was “the strong” vs. “the weak.” In an­cient times a change of ad­min­is­tra­tion only fol­lowed civil war, abun­dant proof that the weak had be­come strong.

70:9.16The weak and the in­fe­rior have al­ways con­tended for equal rights; they have al­ways in­sisted that the state com­pel the strong and su­pe­rior to sup­ply their wants and oth­er­wise make good those de­fi­cien­cies which all too of­ten are the nat­u­ral re­sult of their own in­dif­fer­ence and in­do­lence.

70:9.17But this equal­ity ideal is the child of civ­i­liza­tion; it is not found in na­ture. Even cul­ture it­self demon­strates con­clu­sively the in­her­ent in­equal­ity of men by their very un­equal ca­pac­ity there­for. The sud­den and nonevo­lu­tion­ary re­al­iza­tion of sup­posed nat­u­ral equal­ity would quickly throw civ­i­lized man back to the crude us­ages of prim­i­tive ages. So­ci­ety can­not of­fer equal rights to all, but it can prom­ise to ad­min­is­ter the vary­ing rights of each with fair­ness and eq­uity. It is the busi­ness and duty of so­ci­ety to pro­vide the child of na­ture with a fair and peace­ful op­por­tu­nity to pur­sue self-main­te­nance, par­tic­i­pate in self-per­pet­u­a­tion, while at the same time en­joy­ing some mea­sure of self-grat­i­fi­ca­tion, the sum of all three con­sti­tut­ing hu­man hap­pi­ness.

70:12.1The great strug­gle in the evo­lu­tion of gov­ern­ment has con­cerned the con­cen­tra­tion of power. The uni­verse ad­min­is­tra­tors have learned from ex­pe­ri­ence that the evo­lu­tion­ary peo­ples on the in­hab­ited worlds are best reg­u­lated by the rep­re­sen­ta­tive type of civil gov­ern­ment when there is main­tained proper bal­ance of power be­tween the well-co-or­di­nated ex­ec­u­tive, leg­isla­tive, and ju­di­cial branches.

70:12.2While prim­i­tive au­thor­ity was based on strength, phys­i­cal power, the ideal gov­ern­ment is the rep­re­sen­ta­tive sys­tem wherein lead­er­ship is based on abil­ity, but in the days of bar­barism there was en­tirely too much war to per­mit rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment to func­tion ef­fec­tively. In the long strug­gle be­tween di­vi­sion of au­thor­ity and unity of com­mand, the dic­ta­tor won. The early and dif­fuse pow­ers of the prim­i­tive coun­cil of el­ders were grad­u­ally con­cen­trated in the per­son of the ab­so­lute monarch. Af­ter the ar­rival of real kings the groups of el­ders per­sisted as quasi-leg­isla­tive-ju­di­cial ad­vi­sory bod­ies; later on, leg­is­la­tures of co-or­di­nate sta­tus made their ap­pear­ance, and even­tu­ally su­preme courts of ad­ju­di­ca­tion were es­tab­lished sep­a­rate from the leg­is­la­tures.

70:12.3–4 · two paragraphs not cited here ·

70:12.3The king was the ex­ecu­tor of the mores, the orig­i­nal or un­writ­ten law. Later he en­forced the leg­isla­tive en­act­ments, the crys­tal­liza­tion of pub­lic opin­ion. A pop­u­lar as­sem­bly as an ex­pres­sion of pub­lic opin­ion, though slow in ap­pear­ing, marked a great so­cial ad­vance.

70:12.4The early kings were greatly re­stricted by the mores—by tra­di­tion or pub­lic opin­ion. In re­cent times some Uran­tia na­tions have cod­i­fied these mores into doc­u­men­tary bases for gov­ern­ment.

70:12.5Uran­tia mor­tals are en­ti­tled to lib­erty; they should cre­ate their sys­tems of gov­ern­ment; they should adopt their con­sti­tu­tions or other char­ters of civil au­thor­ity and ad­min­is­tra­tive pro­ce­dure. And hav­ing done this, they should se­lect their most com­pe­tent and wor­thy fel­lows as chief ex­ec­u­tives. For rep­re­sen­ta­tives in the leg­isla­tive branch they should elect only those who are qual­i­fied in­tel­lec­tu­ally and morally to ful­fill such sa­cred re­spon­si­bil­i­ties. As judges of their high and su­preme tri­bu­nals only those who are en­dowed with nat­u­ral abil­ity and who have been made wise by re­plete ex­pe­ri­ence should be cho­sen.

70:12.6If men would main­tain their free­dom, they must, af­ter hav­ing cho­sen their char­ter of lib­erty, pro­vide for its wise, in­tel­li­gent, and fear­less in­ter­pre­ta­tion to the end that there may be pre­vented:

70:12.71. Usurpa­tion of un­war­ranted power by ei­ther the ex­ec­u­tive or leg­isla­tive branches.

70:12.82. Machi­na­tions of ig­no­rant and su­per­sti­tious ag­i­ta­tors.

70:12.93. Re­tar­da­tion of sci­en­tific prog­ress.

70:12.104. Stale­mate of the dom­i­nance of medi­ocrity.

70:12.115. Dom­i­na­tion by vi­cious mi­nori­ties.

70:12.126. Con­trol by am­bi­tious and clever would-be dic­ta­tors.

70:12.13–14 · two paragraphs not cited here ·

70:12.137. Dis­as­trous dis­rup­tion of pan­ics.

70:12.148. Ex­ploita­tion by the un­scrupu­lous.

70:12.159. Tax­a­tion en­slave­ment of the cit­i­zenry by the state.

70:12.16 · one paragraph not cited here ·

70:12.1610. Fail­ure of so­cial and eco­nomic fair­ness.

70:12.1711. Union of church and state.

70:12.18–19 · two paragraphs not cited here ·

70:12.1812. Loss of per­sonal lib­erty.

70:12.19These are the pur­poses and aims of con­sti­tu­tional tri­bu­nals act­ing as gov­er­nors upon the en­gines of rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment on an evo­lu­tion­ary world.

70:12.20Man­kind’s strug­gle to per­fect gov­ern­ment on Uran­tia has to do with per­fect­ing chan­nels of ad­min­is­tra­tion, with adapt­ing them to ever-chang­ing cur­rent needs, with im­prov­ing power dis­tri­bu­tion within gov­ern­ment, and then with se­lect­ing such ad­min­is­tra­tive lead­ers as are truly wise. While there is a di­vine and ideal form of gov­ern­ment, such can­not be re­vealed but must be slowly and la­bo­ri­ously dis­cov­ered by the men and women of each planet through­out the uni­verses of time and space.

Paper 71, Development of the State, is cited whole. Read it in the reader ›

71:0.2The mod­ern state is the in­sti­tu­tion which sur­vived in the long strug­gle for group power. Su­pe­rior power even­tu­ally pre­vailed, and it pro­duced a crea­ture of fact—the state—to­gether with the moral myth of the ab­so­lute obli­ga­tion of the cit­i­zen to live and die for the state. But the state is not of di­vine gen­e­sis; it was not even pro­duced by vo­li­tion­ally in­tel­li­gent hu­man ac­tion; it is purely an evo­lu­tion­ary in­sti­tu­tion and was wholly au­to­matic in ori­gin.

71:1.1The state is a ter­ri­to­rial so­cial reg­u­la­tive or­ga­ni­za­tion, and the strong­est, most ef­fi­cient, and en­dur­ing state is com­posed of a sin­gle na­tion whose peo­ple have a com­mon lan­guage, mores, and in­sti­tu­tions.

71:1.2The early states were small and were all the re­sult of con­quest. They did not orig­i­nate in vol­un­tary as­so­ci­a­tions. Many were founded by con­quer­ing no­mads, who would swoop down on peace­ful herders or set­tled agri­cul­tur­ists to over­power and en­slave them. Such states, re­sult­ing from con­quest, were, per­force, strat­i­fied; classes were in­ev­i­ta­ble, and class strug­gles have ever been se­lec­tive.

71:1.3The north­ern tribes of the Amer­i­can red men never at­tained real state­hood. They never pro­gressed be­yond a loose con­fed­er­a­tion of tribes, a very prim­i­tive form of state. Their near­est ap­proach was the Iro­quois fed­er­a­tion, but this group of six na­tions never quite func­tioned as a state and failed to sur­vive be­cause of the ab­sence of cer­tain es­sen­tials to mod­ern na­tional life, such as:

71:1.41. Ac­quire­ment and in­her­i­tance of pri­vate prop­erty.

71:1.52. Cities plus agri­cul­ture and in­dus­try.

71:1.63. Help­ful do­mes­tic an­i­mals.

71:1.74. Prac­ti­cal fam­ily or­ga­ni­za­tion. These red men clung to the mother-fam­ily and nephew in­her­i­tance.

71:1.85. Def­i­nite ter­ri­tory.

71:1.96. A strong ex­ec­u­tive head.

71:1.107. En­slave­ment of cap­tives—they ei­ther adopted or mas­sa­cred them.

71:1.118. De­ci­sive con­quests.

71:1.12–21 · ten paragraphs not cited here ·

71:1.12The red men were too demo­cratic; they had a good gov­ern­ment, but it failed. Even­tu­ally they would have evolved a state had they not pre­ma­turely en­coun­tered the more ad­vanced civ­i­liza­tion of the white man, who was pur­su­ing the gov­ern­men­tal meth­ods of the Greeks and the Ro­mans.

71:1.13The suc­cess­ful Ro­man state was based on:

71:1.141. The fa­ther-fam­ily.

71:1.152. Agri­cul­ture and the do­mes­ti­ca­tion of an­i­mals.

71:1.163. Con­den­sa­tion of pop­u­la­tion—cities.

71:1.174. Pri­vate prop­erty and land.

71:1.185. Slav­ery—classes of cit­i­zen­ship.

71:1.196. Con­quest and re­or­ga­ni­za­tion of weak and back­ward peo­ples.

71:1.207. Def­i­nite ter­ri­tory with roads.

71:1.218. Per­sonal and strong rulers.

71:1.22The great weak­ness in Ro­man civ­i­liza­tion, and a fac­tor in the ul­ti­mate col­lapse of the em­pire, was the sup­posed lib­eral and ad­vanced pro­vi­sion for the eman­ci­pa­tion of the boy at twenty-one and the un­con­di­tional re­lease of the girl so that she was at lib­erty to marry a man of her own choos­ing or to go abroad in the land to be­come im­moral. The harm to so­ci­ety con­sisted not in these re­forms them­selves but rather in the sud­den and ex­ten­sive man­ner of their adop­tion. The col­lapse of Rome in­di­cates what may be ex­pected when a state un­der­goes too rapid ex­ten­sion as­so­ci­ated with in­ter­nal de­gen­er­a­tion.

71:1.23The em­bry­onic state was made pos­si­ble by the de­cline of the blood bond in fa­vor of the ter­ri­to­rial, and such tribal fed­er­a­tions were usu­ally firmly ce­mented by con­quest. While a sov­er­eignty that tran­scends all mi­nor strug­gles and group dif­fer­ences is the char­ac­ter­is­tic of the true state, still, many classes and castes per­sist in the later state or­ga­ni­za­tions as rem­nants of the clans and tribes of for­mer days. The later and larger ter­ri­to­rial states had a long and bit­ter strug­gle with these smaller con­san­guineous clan groups, the tribal gov­ern­ment prov­ing a valu­able tran­si­tion from fam­ily to state au­thor­ity. Dur­ing later times many clans grew out of trades and other in­dus­trial as­so­ci­a­tions.

71:2.1Democ­racy, while an ideal, is a prod­uct of civ­i­liza­tion, not of evo­lu­tion. Go slowly! se­lect care­fully! for the dan­gers of democ­racy are:

71:2.21. Glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of medi­ocrity.

71:2.32. Choice of base and ig­no­rant rulers.

71:2.43. Fail­ure to rec­og­nize the ba­sic facts of so­cial evo­lu­tion.

71:2.54. Dan­ger of uni­ver­sal suf­frage in the hands of un­e­d­u­cated and in­do­lent ma­jori­ties.

71:2.65. Slav­ery to pub­lic opin­ion; the ma­jor­ity is not al­ways right.

71:2.7 · one paragraph not cited here ·

71:2.7Pub­lic opin­ion, com­mon opin­ion, has al­ways de­layed so­ci­ety; nev­er­the­less, it is valu­able, for, while re­tard­ing so­cial evo­lu­tion, it does pre­serve civ­i­liza­tion. Ed­u­ca­tion of pub­lic opin­ion is the only safe and true method of ac­cel­er­at­ing civ­i­liza­tion; force is only a tem­po­rary ex­pe­di­ent, and cul­tural growth will in­creas­ingly ac­cel­er­ate as bul­lets give way to bal­lots. Pub­lic opin­ion, the mores, is the ba­sic and el­e­men­tal en­ergy in so­cial evo­lu­tion and state de­vel­op­ment, but to be of state value it must be non­vi­o­lent in ex­pres­sion.

71:2.8The mea­sure of the ad­vance of so­ci­ety is di­rectly de­ter­mined by the de­gree to which pub­lic opin­ion can con­trol per­sonal be­hav­ior and state reg­u­la­tion through non­vi­o­lent ex­pres­sion. The re­ally civ­i­lized gov­ern­ment had ar­rived when pub­lic opin­ion was clothed with the pow­ers of per­sonal fran­chise. Pop­u­lar elec­tions may not al­ways de­cide things rightly, but they rep­re­sent the right way even to do a wrong thing. Evo­lu­tion does not at once pro­duce su­perla­tive per­fec­tion but rather com­par­a­tive and ad­vanc­ing prac­ti­cal ad­just­ment.

71:2.9There are ten steps, or stages, to the evo­lu­tion of a prac­ti­cal and ef­fi­cient form of rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment, and these are:

71:2.101. Free­dom of the per­son. Slav­ery, serf­dom, and all forms of hu­man bond­age must dis­ap­pear.

71:2.112. Free­dom of the mind. Un­less a free peo­ple are ed­u­cated—taught to think in­tel­li­gently and plan wisely—free­dom usu­ally does more harm than good.

71:2.123. The reign of law. Lib­erty can be en­joyed only when the will and whims of hu­man rulers are re­placed by leg­isla­tive en­act­ments in ac­cor­dance with ac­cepted fun­da­men­tal law.

71:2.134. Free­dom of speech. Rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment is un­think­able with­out free­dom of all forms of ex­pres­sion for hu­man as­pi­ra­tions and opin­ions.

71:2.145. Se­cu­rity of prop­erty. No gov­ern­ment can long en­dure if it fails to pro­vide for the right to en­joy per­sonal prop­erty in some form. Man craves the right to use, con­trol, be­stow, sell, lease, and be­queath his per­sonal prop­erty.

71:2.156. The right of pe­ti­tion. Rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment as­sumes the right of cit­i­zens to be heard. The priv­i­lege of pe­ti­tion is in­her­ent in free cit­i­zen­ship.

71:2.167. The right to rule. It is not enough to be heard; the power of pe­ti­tion must pro­gress to the ac­tual man­age­ment of the gov­ern­ment.

71:2.178. Uni­ver­sal suf­frage. Rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment pre­sup­poses an in­tel­li­gent, ef­fi­cient, and uni­ver­sal elec­torate. The char­ac­ter of such a gov­ern­ment will ever be de­ter­mined by the char­ac­ter and cal­iber of those who com­pose it. As civ­i­liza­tion pro­gresses, suf­frage, while re­main­ing uni­ver­sal for both sexes, will be ef­fec­tively mod­i­fied, re­grouped, and oth­er­wise dif­fer­en­ti­ated.

71:2.189. Con­trol of pub­lic ser­vants. No civil gov­ern­ment will be ser­vice­able and ef­fec­tive un­less the cit­i­zenry pos­sess and use wise tech­niques of guid­ing and con­trol­ling of­fice­hold­ers and pub­lic ser­vants.

71:2.1910. In­tel­li­gent and trained rep­re­sen­ta­tion. The sur­vival of democ­racy is de­pen­dent on suc­cess­ful rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment; and that is con­di­tioned upon the prac­tice of elect­ing to pub­lic of­fices only those in­di­vid­u­als who are tech­ni­cally trained, in­tel­lec­tu­ally com­pe­tent, so­cially loyal, and morally fit. Only by such pro­vi­sions can gov­ern­ment of the peo­ple, by the peo­ple, and for the peo­ple be pre­served.

71:3.1The po­lit­i­cal or ad­min­is­tra­tive form of a gov­ern­ment is of lit­tle con­se­quence pro­vided it af­fords the es­sen­tials of civil prog­ress—lib­erty, se­cu­rity, ed­u­ca­tion, and so­cial co-or­di­na­tion. It is not what a state is but what it does that de­ter­mines the course of so­cial evo­lu­tion. And af­ter all, no state can tran­scend the moral val­ues of its cit­i­zenry as ex­em­pli­fied in their cho­sen lead­ers. Ig­no­rance and self­ish­ness will in­sure the down­fall of even the high­est type of gov­ern­ment.

71:3.2Much as it is to be re­gret­ted, na­tional ego­tism has been es­sen­tial to so­cial sur­vival. The cho­sen peo­ple doc­trine has been a prime fac­tor in tribal weld­ing and na­tion build­ing right on down to mod­ern times. But no state can at­tain ideal lev­els of func­tion­ing un­til ev­ery form of in­tol­er­ance is mas­tered; it is ev­er­last­ingly in­im­i­cal to hu­man prog­ress. And in­tol­er­ance is best com­bated by the co-or­di­na­tion of sci­ence, com­merce, play, and re­li­gion.

71:3.3The ideal state func­tions un­der the im­pulse of three mighty and co-or­di­nated drives:

71:3.41. Love loy­alty de­rived from the re­al­iza­tion of hu­man broth­er­hood.

71:3.52. In­tel­li­gent pa­tri­o­tism based on wise ide­als.

71:3.63. Cos­mic in­sight in­ter­preted in terms of plan­e­tary facts, needs, and goals.

71:3.7The laws of the ideal state are few in num­ber, and they have passed out of the neg­a­tivis­tic taboo age into the era of the pos­i­tive prog­ress of in­di­vid­ual lib­erty con­se­quent upon en­hanced self-con­trol. The ex­alted state not only com­pels its cit­i­zens to work but also en­tices them into prof­itable and up­lift­ing uti­liza­tion of the in­creas­ing leisure which re­sults from toil lib­er­a­tion by the ad­vanc­ing ma­chine age. Leisure must pro­duce as well as con­sume.

71:3.8No so­ci­ety has pro­gressed very far when it per­mits idle­ness or tol­er­ates pov­erty. But pov­erty and de­pen­dence can never be elim­i­nated if the de­fec­tive and de­gen­er­ate stocks are freely sup­ported and per­mit­ted to re­pro­duce with­out re­straint.

71:3.9A moral so­ci­ety should aim to pre­serve the self-re­spect of its cit­i­zenry and af­ford ev­ery nor­mal in­di­vid­ual ad­e­quate op­por­tu­nity for self-re­al­iza­tion. Such a plan of so­cial achieve­ment would yield a cul­tural so­ci­ety of the high­est or­der. So­cial evo­lu­tion should be en­cour­aged by gov­ern­men­tal super­vi­sion which ex­er­cises a min­i­mum of reg­u­la­tive con­trol. That state is best which co-or­di­nates most while gov­ern­ing least.

71:3.10The ide­als of state­hood must be at­tained by evo­lu­tion, by the slow growth of civic con­scious­ness, the rec­og­ni­tion of the obli­ga­tion and priv­i­lege of so­cial ser­vice. At first men as­sume the bur­dens of gov­ern­ment as a duty, fol­low­ing the end of the ad­min­is­tra­tion of po­lit­i­cal spoils­men, but later on they seek such min­istry as a priv­i­lege, as the great­est honor. The sta­tus of any level of civ­i­liza­tion is faith­fully por­trayed by the cal­iber of its cit­i­zens who vol­un­teer to ac­cept the re­spon­si­bil­i­ties of state­hood.

71:3.11In a real com­mon­wealth the busi­ness of gov­ern­ing cities and prov­inces is con­ducted by ex­perts and is man­aged just as are all other forms of eco­nomic and com­mer­cial as­so­ci­a­tions of peo­ple.

71:3.12In ad­vanced states, po­lit­i­cal ser­vice is es­teemed as the high­est de­vo­tion of the cit­i­zenry. The great­est am­bi­tion of the wis­est and no­blest of cit­i­zens is to gain civil rec­og­ni­tion, to be elected or ap­pointed to some po­si­tion of gov­ern­men­tal trust, and such gov­ern­ments con­fer their high­est hon­ors of rec­og­ni­tion for ser­vice upon their civil and so­cial ser­vants. Hon­ors are next be­stowed in the or­der named upon philoso­phers, ed­u­ca­tors, sci­en­tists, in­dus­tri­al­ists, and mil­i­tarists. Par­ents are duly re­warded by the ex­cel­lency of their chil­dren, and purely re­li­gious lead­ers, be­ing am­bas­sadors of a spir­i­tual king­dom, re­ceive their real re­wards in an­other world.

71:4.31. Preser­va­tion of in­di­vid­ual lib­er­ties.

71:4.42. Pro­tec­tion of the home.

71:4.5–6 · two paragraphs not cited here ·

71:4.53. Pro­mo­tion of eco­nomic se­cu­rity.

71:4.64. Pre­ven­tion of dis­ease.

71:4.75. Com­pul­sory ed­u­ca­tion.

71:4.86. Com­pul­sory em­ploy­ment.

71:4.9 · one paragraph not cited here ·

71:4.97. Prof­itable uti­liza­tion of leisure.

71:4.108. Care of the un­for­tu­nate.

71:4.119. Race im­prove­ment.

71:4.1210. Pro­mo­tion of sci­ence and art.

71:4.13–16 · four paragraphs not cited here ·

71:4.1311. Pro­mo­tion of phi­los­o­phy—wis­dom.

71:4.1412. Aug­men­ta­tion of cos­mic in­sight—spir­i­tu­al­ity.

71:4.15And this prog­ress in the arts of civ­i­liza­tion leads di­rectly to the re­al­iza­tion of the high­est hu­man and di­vine goals of mor­tal en­deavor—the so­cial achieve­ment of the broth­er­hood of man and the per­sonal sta­tus of God-con­scious­ness, which be­comes re­vealed in the su­preme de­sire of ev­ery in­di­vid­ual to do the will of the Fa­ther in heaven.

71:4.16The ap­pear­ance of gen­uine broth­er­hood sig­ni­fies that a so­cial or­der has ar­rived in which all men de­light in bear­ing one an­other’s bur­dens; they ac­tu­ally de­sire to prac­tice the golden rule. But such an ideal so­ci­ety can­not be re­al­ized when ei­ther the weak or the wicked lie in wait to take un­fair and un­holy ad­van­tage of those who are chiefly ac­tu­ated by de­vo­tion to the ser­vice of truth, beauty, and good­ness. In such a sit­u­a­tion only one course is prac­ti­cal: The “golden rulers” may es­tab­lish a pro­gres­sive so­ci­ety in which they live ac­cord­ing to their ide­als while main­tain­ing an ad­e­quate de­fense against their be­nighted fel­lows who might seek ei­ther to ex­ploit their pa­cific predilec­tions or to de­stroy their ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion.

71:4.17Ide­al­ism can never sur­vive on an evolv­ing planet if the ide­al­ists in each gen­er­a­tion per­mit them­selves to be ex­ter­mi­nated by the baser or­ders of hu­man­ity. And here is the great test of ide­al­ism: Can an ad­vanced so­ci­ety main­tain that mil­i­tary pre­pared­ness which ren­ders it se­cure from all at­tack by its war-lov­ing neigh­bors with­out yield­ing to the temp­ta­tion to em­ploy this mil­i­tary strength in of­fen­sive op­er­a­tions against other peo­ples for pur­poses of self­ish gain or na­tional ag­gran­dize­ment? Na­tional sur­vival de­mands pre­pared­ness, and re­li­gious ide­al­ism alone can pre­vent the pros­ti­tu­tion of pre­pared­ness into ag­gres­sion. Only love, broth­er­hood, can pre­vent the strong from op­press­ing the weak.

71:5.2The ideal state un­der­takes to reg­u­late so­cial con­duct only enough to take vi­o­lence out of in­di­vid­ual com­pe­ti­tion and to pre­vent un­fair­ness in per­sonal ini­tia­tive. Here is a great prob­lem in state­hood: How can you guar­an­tee peace and quiet in in­dus­try, pay the taxes to sup­port state power, and at the same time pre­vent tax­a­tion from hand­i­cap­ping in­dus­try and keep the state from be­com­ing par­a­sit­i­cal or tyran­ni­cal?

71:8.1The only sa­cred fea­ture of any hu­man gov­ern­ment is the di­vi­sion of state­hood into the three do­mains of ex­ec­u­tive, leg­isla­tive, and ju­di­cial func­tions. The uni­verse is ad­min­is­tered in ac­cor­dance with such a plan of seg­re­ga­tion of func­tions and au­thor­ity. Aside from this di­vine con­cept of ef­fec­tive so­cial reg­u­la­tion or civil gov­ern­ment, it mat­ters lit­tle what form of state a peo­ple may elect to have pro­vided the cit­i­zenry is ever pro­gress­ing to­ward the goal of aug­mented self-con­trol and in­creased so­cial ser­vice. The in­tel­lec­tual keen­ness, eco­nomic wis­dom, so­cial clev­er­ness, and moral stam­ina of a peo­ple are all faith­fully re­flected in state­hood.

71:8.2The evo­lu­tion of state­hood en­tails prog­ress from level to level, as fol­lows:

71:8.31. The cre­ation of a three­fold gov­ern­ment of ex­ec­u­tive, leg­isla­tive, and ju­di­cial branches.

71:8.42. The free­dom of so­cial, po­lit­i­cal, and re­li­gious ac­tiv­i­ties.

71:8.53. The abo­li­tion of all forms of slav­ery and hu­man bond­age.

71:8.64. The abil­ity of the cit­i­zenry to con­trol the levy­ing of taxes.

71:8.75. The es­tab­lish­ment of uni­ver­sal edu­ca­tion—learn­ing ex­tended from the cra­dle to the grave.

71:8.86. The proper ad­just­ment be­tween lo­cal and na­tional gov­ern­ments.

71:8.97. The fos­ter­ing of sci­ence and the con­quest of dis­ease.

71:8.108. The due rec­og­ni­tion of sex equal­ity and the co-or­di­nated func­tion­ing of men and women in the home, school, and church, with spe­cial­ized ser­vice of women in in­dus­try and gov­ern­ment.

71:8.119. The elim­i­na­tion of toil­ing slav­ery by ma­chine in­ven­tion and the sub­se­quent mas­tery of the ma­chine age.

71:8.1210. The con­quest of di­alects—the tri­umph of a uni­ver­sal lan­guage.

71:8.1311. The end­ing of war—in­ter­na­tional ad­ju­di­ca­tion of na­tional and racial dif­fer­ences by con­ti­nen­tal courts of na­tions pre­sided over by a su­preme plan­e­tary tri­bu­nal au­to­mat­i­cally re­cruited from the pe­ri­od­i­cally re­tir­ing heads of the con­ti­nen­tal courts. The con­ti­nen­tal courts are au­thor­i­ta­tive; the world court is ad­vi­sory—moral.

71:8.1412. The world-wide vogue of the pur­suit of wis­dom—the ex­al­ta­tion of phi­los­o­phy. The evo­lu­tion of a world re­li­gion, which will presage the en­trance of the planet upon the ear­lier phases of set­tle­ment in light and life.

71:8.15These are the pre­req­ui­sites of pro­gres­sive gov­ern­ment and the ear­marks of ideal state­hood. Uran­tia is far from the re­al­iza­tion of these ex­alted ide­als, but the civ­i­lized races have made a be­gin­ning—man­kind is on the march to­ward higher evo­lu­tion­ary des­tinies.

Paper 72, Government on a Neighboring Planet, is cited whole. Read it in the reader ›

72:2.1This con­ti­nen­tal na­tion now has a rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment with a cen­trally lo­cated na­tional cap­i­tal. The cen­tral gov­ern­ment con­sists of a strong fed­er­a­tion of one hun­dred com­par­a­tively free states. These states elect their gov­er­nors and leg­is­la­tors for ten years, and none are el­i­gi­ble for re-elec­tion. State judges are ap­pointed for life by the gov­er­nors and con­firmed by their leg­is­la­tures, which con­sist of one rep­re­sen­ta­tive for each one hun­dred thou­sand cit­i­zens.

72:2.2There are five dif­fer­ent types of metropoli­tan gov­ern­ment, de­pend­ing on the size of the city, but no city is per­mit­ted to have more than one mil­lion in­hab­i­tants. On the whole, these mu­nic­i­pal gov­ern­ing schemes are very sim­ple, di­rect, and eco­nom­i­cal. The few of­fices of city ad­min­is­tra­tion are keenly sought by the high­est types of cit­i­zens.

72:2.3The fed­eral gov­ern­ment em­braces three co-or­di­nate di­vi­sions: ex­ec­u­tive, leg­isla­tive, and ju­di­cial. The fed­eral chief ex­ec­u­tive is elected ev­ery six years by uni­ver­sal ter­ri­to­rial suf­frage. He is not el­i­gi­ble for re-elec­tion ex­cept upon the pe­ti­tion of at least sev­enty-five state leg­is­la­tures con­curred in by the re­spec­tive state gov­er­nors, and then but for one term. He is ad­vised by a super­cab­i­net com­posed of all liv­ing ex-chief ex­ec­u­tives.

72:2.4The leg­isla­tive di­vi­sion em­braces three houses:

72:2.51. The up­per house is elected by in­dus­trial, pro­fes­sional, ag­ri­cul­tural, and other groups of work­ers, bal­lot­ing in ac­cor­dance with eco­nomic func­tion.

72:2.62. The lower house is elected by cer­tain or­ga­ni­za­tions of so­ci­ety em­brac­ing the so­cial, po­lit­i­cal, and philo­sophic groups not in­cluded in in­dus­try or the pro­fes­sions. All cit­i­zens in good stand­ing par­tic­i­pate in the elec­tion of both classes of rep­re­sen­ta­tives, but they are dif­fer­ently grouped, de­pend­ing on whether the elec­tion per­tains to the up­per or lower house.

72:2.73. The third house—the el­der states­men—em­braces the vet­er­ans of civic ser­vice and in­cludes many dis­tin­guished per­sons nom­i­nated by the chief ex­ec­u­tive, by the re­gional (sub­fed­eral) ex­ec­u­tives, by the chief of the su­preme tri­bu­nal, and by the pre­sid­ing of­fi­cers of ei­ther of the other leg­isla­tive houses. This group is lim­ited to one hun­dred, and its mem­bers are elected by the ma­jor­ity ac­tion of the el­der states­men them­selves. Mem­ber­ship is for life, and when va­can­cies oc­cur, the per­son re­ceiv­ing the largest bal­lot among the list of nom­i­nees is thereby duly elected. The scope of this body is purely ad­vi­sory, but it is a mighty reg­u­la­tor of pub­lic opin­ion and ex­erts a pow­er­ful in­flu­ence upon all branches of the gov­ern­ment.

72:2.8Very much of the fed­eral ad­min­is­tra­tive work is car­ried on by the ten re­gional (sub­fed­eral) au­thor­i­ties, each con­sist­ing of the as­so­ci­a­tion of ten states. These re­gional di­vi­sions are wholly ex­ec­u­tive and ad­min­is­tra­tive, hav­ing nei­ther leg­isla­tive nor ju­di­cial func­tions. The ten re­gional ex­ec­u­tives are the per­sonal ap­pointees of the fed­eral chief ex­ec­u­tive, and their term of of­fice is con­cur­rent with his—six years. The fed­eral su­preme tri­bu­nal ap­proves the ap­point­ment of these ten re­gional ex­ec­u­tives, and while they may not be reap­pointed, the re­tir­ing ex­ec­u­tive au­to­mat­i­cally be­comes the as­so­ciate and ad­viser of his suc­ces­sor. Oth­er­wise, these re­gional chiefs choose their own cab­i­nets of ad­min­is­tra­tive of­fi­cials.

72:2.9This na­tion is ad­ju­di­cated by two ma­jor court sys­tems—the law courts and the so­cioe­co­nomic courts. The law courts func­tion on the fol­low­ing three lev­els:

72:2.101. Mi­nor courts of mu­nic­i­pal and lo­cal ju­ris­dic­tion, whose de­ci­sions may be ap­pealed to the high state tri­bu­nals.

72:2.112. State su­preme courts, whose de­ci­sions are fi­nal in all mat­ters not in­volv­ing the fed­eral gov­ern­ment or jeop­ardy of cit­i­zen­ship rights and lib­er­ties. The re­gional ex­ec­u­tives are em­pow­ered to bring any case at once to the bar of the fed­eral su­preme court.

72:2.123. Fed­eral su­preme court—the high tri­bu­nal for the ad­ju­di­ca­tion of na­tional con­tentions and the ap­pel­late cases com­ing up from the state courts. This su­preme tri­bu­nal con­sists of twelve men over forty and un­der sev­enty-five years of age who have served two or more years on some state tri­bu­nal, and who have been ap­pointed to this high po­si­tion by the chief ex­ec­u­tive with the ma­jor­ity ap­proval of the super­cab­i­net and the third house of the leg­isla­tive as­sem­bly. All de­ci­sions of this su­preme ju­di­cial body are by at least a two-thirds vote.

72:2.13The so­cioe­co­nomic courts func­tion in the fol­low­ing three di­vi­sions:

72:2.141. Pa­ren­tal courts, as­so­ci­ated with the leg­isla­tive and ex­ec­u­tive di­vi­sions of the home and so­cial sys­tem.

72:2.152. Ed­u­ca­tional courts—the ju­ridi­cal bod­ies con­nected with the state and re­gional school sys­tems and as­so­ci­ated with the ex­ec­u­tive and leg­isla­tive branches of the ed­u­ca­tional ad­min­is­tra­tive mech­a­nism.

72:2.163. In­dus­trial courts—the ju­ris­dic­tional tri­bu­nals vested with full au­thor­ity for the set­tle­ment of all eco­nomic mis­un­der­stand­ings.

72:2.17The fed­eral su­preme court does not pass upon so­cioe­co­nomic cases ex­cept upon the three-quar­ters vote of the third leg­isla­tive branch of the na­tional gov­ern­ment, the house of el­der states­men. Oth­er­wise, all de­ci­sions of the pa­ren­tal, ed­u­ca­tional, and in­dus­trial high courts are fi­nal.

72:3.6Un­til twenty years ago the spir­i­tual teach­ers (com­pa­ra­ble to Uran­tia pas­tors), who visit each fam­ily pe­ri­od­i­cally to ex­am­ine the chil­dren to as­cer­tain if they have been prop­erly in­structed by their par­ents, were un­der gov­ern­men­tal super­vi­sion. These spir­i­tual ad­vis­ers and ex­am­in­ers are now un­der the di­rec­tion of the newly cre­ated Foun­da­tion of Spir­i­tual Prog­ress, an in­sti­tu­tion sup­ported by vol­un­tary con­tri­bu­tions. Pos­si­bly this in­sti­tu­tion may not fur­ther evolve un­til af­ter the ar­rival of a Par­a­dise Mag­is­te­rial Son.

72:4.1The ed­u­ca­tional sys­tem of this na­tion is com­pul­sory and co­ed­u­ca­tional in the pre­col­lege schools that the stu­dent at­tends from the ages of five to eigh­teen. These schools are vastly dif­fer­ent from those of Uran­tia. There are no class­rooms, only one study is pur­sued at a time, and af­ter the first three years all pupils be­come as­sis­tant teach­ers, in­struct­ing those be­low them. Books are used only to se­cure in­for­ma­tion that will as­sist in solv­ing the prob­lems aris­ing in the school shops and on the school farms. Much of the fur­ni­ture used on the con­ti­nent and the many me­chan­i­cal con­trivances—this is a great age of in­ven­tion and mech­a­niza­tion—are pro­duced in these shops. Ad­ja­cent to each shop is a work­ing li­brary where the stu­dent may con­sult the nec­es­sary ref­er­ence books. Agri­cul­ture and hor­ti­cul­ture are also taught through­out the en­tire ed­u­ca­tional pe­riod on the ex­ten­sive farms ad­join­ing ev­ery lo­cal school.

72:6.41. One day’s earn­ings each month are req­ui­si­tioned by the fed­eral gov­ern­ment for this pur­pose, and in this coun­try ev­ery­body works.

72:6.5 · one paragraph not cited here ·

72:6.52. Be­quests—many wealthy cit­i­zens leave funds for this pur­pose.

72:6.63. The earn­ings of com­pul­sory la­bor in the state mines. Af­ter the con­script work­ers sup­port them­selves and set aside their own re­tire­ment con­tri­bu­tions, all ex­cess prof­its on their la­bor are turned over to this pen­sion fund.

72:9.43. All in­di­vid­u­als sen­tenced to com­pul­sory la­bor in the mines and all gov­ern­men­tal ser­vants sup­ported by tax funds are, for the pe­ri­ods of such ser­vices, dis­en­fran­chised. This does not ap­ply to aged per­sons who may be re­tired on pen­sions at sixty-five.

72:9.5–6 · two paragraphs not cited here ·

72:9.54. There are five brack­ets of suf­frage re­flect­ing the av­er­age yearly taxes paid for each half-decade pe­riod. Heavy tax­pay­ers are per­mit­ted ex­tra votes up to five. This grant is in­de­pen­dent of all other rec­og­ni­tion, but in no case can any per­son cast over ten bal­lots.

72:9.65. At the time this fran­chise plan was adopted, the ter­ri­to­rial method of vot­ing was aban­doned in fa­vor of the eco­nomic or func­tional sys­tem. All cit­i­zens now vote as mem­bers of in­dus­trial, so­cial, or pro­fes­sional groups, re­gard­less of their res­i­dence. Thus the elec­torate con­sists of so­lid­i­fied, uni­fied, and in­tel­li­gent groups who elect only their best mem­bers to po­si­tions of gov­ern­men­tal trust and re­spon­si­bil­ity. There is one ex­cep­tion to this scheme of func­tional or group suf­frage: The elec­tion of a fed­eral chief ex­ec­u­tive ev­ery six years is by na­tion-wide bal­lot, and no cit­i­zen casts over one vote.

72:9.7Thus, ex­cept in the elec­tion of the chief ex­ec­u­tive, suf­frage is ex­er­cised by eco­nomic, pro­fes­sional, in­tel­lec­tual, and so­cial group­ings of the cit­i­zenry. The ideal state is or­ganic, and ev­ery free and in­tel­li­gent group of cit­i­zens rep­re­sents a vi­tal and func­tion­ing or­gan within the larger gov­ern­men­tal or­gan­ism.

72:9.8The schools of states­man­ship have power to start pro­ceed­ings in the state courts look­ing to­ward the dis­en­fran­chise­ment of any de­fec­tive, idle, in­dif­fer­ent, or crim­i­nal in­di­vid­ual. These peo­ple rec­og­nize that, when fifty per cent of a na­tion is in­fe­rior or de­fec­tive and pos­sesses the bal­lot, such a na­tion is doomed. They be­lieve the dom­i­nance of medi­ocrity spells the down­fall of any na­tion. Vot­ing is com­pul­sory, heavy fines be­ing as­sessed against all who fail to cast their bal­lots.

72:12.5The pour­ing out of the Spirit of Truth pro­vides the spir­i­tual foun­da­tion for the re­al­iza­tion of great achieve­ments in the in­ter­ests of the hu­man race of the be­stowal world. Uran­tia is there­fore far bet­ter pre­pared for the more im­me­di­ate re­al­iza­tion of a plan­e­tary gov­ern­ment with its laws, mech­a­nisms, sym­bols, con­ven­tions, and lan­guage—all of which could con­tribute so might­ily to the es­tab­lish­ment of world-wide peace un­der law and could lead to the some­time dawn­ing of a real age of spir­i­tual striv­ing; and such an age is the plan­e­tary thresh­old to the utopian ages of light and life.

74:5.5Adam made a heroic and de­ter­mined ef­fort to es­tab­lish a world gov­ern­ment, but he met with stub­born re­sis­tance at ev­ery turn. Adam had al­ready put in op­er­a­tion a sys­tem of group con­trol through­out Eden and had fed­er­ated all of these com­pa­nies into the Edenic league. But trou­ble, se­ri­ous trou­ble, en­sued when he went out­side the Gar­den and sought to ap­ply these ideas to the out­ly­ing tribes. The mo­ment Adam’s as­so­ciates be­gan to work out­side the Gar­den, they met the di­rect and well-planned re­sis­tance of Cali­gas­tia and Dali­gas­tia. The fallen Prince had been de­posed as world ruler, but he had not been re­moved from the planet. He was still pres­ent on earth and able, at least to some ex­tent, to re­sist all of Adam’s plans for the re­ha­bil­i­ta­tion of hu­man so­ci­ety. Adam tried to warn the races against Cali­gas­tia, but the task was made very dif­fi­cult be­cause his arch­en­emy was in­vis­i­ble to the eyes of mor­tals.

74:5.6Even among the Eden­ites there were those con­fused minds that leaned to­ward the Cali­gas­tia teach­ing of un­bri­dled per­sonal lib­erty; and they caused Adam no end of trou­ble; al­ways were they up­set­ting the best-laid plans for or­derly pro­gres­sion and sub­stan­tial de­vel­op­ment. He was fi­nally com­pelled to with­draw his pro­gram for im­me­di­ate so­cial­iza­tion; he fell back on Van’s method of or­ga­ni­za­tion, di­vid­ing the Eden­ites into com­pa­nies of one hun­dred with cap­tains over each and with lieu­tenants in charge of groups of ten.

74:5.7Adam and Eve had come to in­sti­tute rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment in the place of monar­chial, but they found no gov­ern­ment wor­thy of the name on the face of the whole earth. For the time be­ing Adam aban­doned all ef­fort to es­tab­lish rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment, and be­fore the col­lapse of the Edenic regime he suc­ceeded in es­tab­lish­ing al­most one hun­dred out­ly­ing trade and so­cial cen­ters where strong in­di­vid­u­als ruled in his name. Most of these cen­ters had been or­ga­nized afore­time by Van and Amadon.

79:8.1While the red man suf­fered from too much war­fare, it is not al­to­gether amiss to say that the de­vel­op­ment of state­hood among the Chi­nese was de­layed by the thor­ough­ness of their con­quest of Asia. They had a great po­ten­tial of racial sol­i­dar­ity, but it failed prop­erly to de­velop be­cause the con­tin­u­ous driv­ing stim­u­lus of the ever-pres­ent dan­ger of ex­ter­nal ag­gres­sion was lack­ing.

81:5.6Might does not make right, but it does en­force the com­monly rec­og­nized rights of each suc­ceed­ing gen­er­a­tion. The prime mis­sion of gov­ern­ment is the def­i­ni­tion of the right, the just and fair reg­u­la­tion of class dif­fer­ences, and the en­force­ment of equal­ity of op­por­tu­nity un­der the rules of law. Ev­ery hu­man right is as­so­ci­ated with a so­cial duty; group priv­i­lege is an in­sur­ance mech­a­nism which un­fail­ingly de­mands the full pay­ment of the ex­act­ing pre­mi­ums of group ser­vice. And group rights, as well as those of the in­di­vid­ual, must be pro­tected, in­clud­ing the reg­u­la­tion of the sex propen­sity.

81:6.12You are some­times shocked at the rav­ages of war, but you should rec­og­nize the ne­ces­sity for pro­duc­ing large num­bers of mor­tals so as to af­ford am­ple op­por­tu­nity for so­cial and moral de­vel­op­ment; with such plan­e­tary fer­til­ity there soon oc­curs the se­ri­ous prob­lem of over­pop­u­la­tion. Most of the in­hab­ited worlds are small. Uran­tia is av­er­age, per­haps a tri­fle un­der­sized. The op­ti­mum sta­bi­liza­tion of na­tional pop­u­la­tion en­hances cul­ture and pre­vents war. And it is a wise na­tion which knows when to cease grow­ing.

81:6.13–39 · 27 paragraphs not cited here ·

81:6.13But the con­ti­nent rich­est in nat­u­ral de­posits and the most ad­vanced me­chan­i­cal equip­ment will make lit­tle prog­ress if the in­tel­li­gence of its peo­ple is on the de­cline. Knowl­edge can be had by ed­u­ca­tion, but wis­dom, which is in­dis­pens­able to true cul­ture, can be se­cured only through ex­pe­ri­ence and by men and women who are in­nately in­tel­li­gent. Such a peo­ple are able to learn from ex­pe­ri­ence; they may be­come truly wise.

81:6.145. Ef­fec­tive­ness of ma­te­rial re­sources. Much de­pends on the wis­dom dis­played in the uti­liza­tion of nat­u­ral re­sources, sci­en­tific knowl­edge, cap­i­tal goods, and hu­man po­ten­tials. The chief fac­tor in early civ­i­liza­tion was the force ex­erted by wise so­cial mas­ters; prim­i­tive man had civ­i­liza­tion lit­er­ally thrust upon him by his su­pe­rior con­tem­po­raries. Well-or­ga­nized and su­pe­rior mi­nori­ties have largely ruled this world.

81:6.15Might does not make right, but might does make what is and what has been in his­tory. Only re­cently has Uran­tia reached that point where so­ci­ety is will­ing to de­bate the ethics of might and right.

81:6.166. Ef­fec­tive­ness of lan­guage. The spread of civ­i­liza­tion must wait upon lan­guage. Live and grow­ing lan­guages in­sure the ex­pan­sion of civ­i­lized think­ing and plan­ning. Dur­ing the early ages im­por­tant ad­vances were made in lan­guage. To­day, there is great need for fur­ther lin­guis­tic de­vel­op­ment to fa­cil­i­tate the ex­pres­sion of evolv­ing thought.

81:6.17Lan­guage evolved out of group as­so­ci­a­tions, each lo­cal group de­vel­op­ing its own sys­tem of word ex­change. Lan­guage grew up through ges­tures, signs, cries, im­i­ta­tive sounds, in­to­na­tion, and ac­cent to the vo­cal­iza­tion of sub­se­quent al­pha­bets. Lan­guage is man’s great­est and most ser­vice­able think­ing tool, but it never flour­ished un­til so­cial groups ac­quired some leisure. The ten­dency to play with lan­guage de­vel­ops new words—slang. If the ma­jor­ity adopt the slang, then us­age con­sti­tutes it lan­guage. The ori­gin of di­alects is il­lus­trated by the in­dul­gence in “baby talk” in a fam­ily group.

81:6.18Lan­guage dif­fer­ences have ever been the great bar­rier to the ex­ten­sion of peace. The con­quest of di­alects must pre­cede the spread of a cul­ture through­out a race, over a con­ti­nent, or to a whole world. A uni­ver­sal lan­guage pro­motes peace, in­sures cul­ture, and aug­ments hap­pi­ness. Even when the tongues of a world are re­duced to a few, the mas­tery of these by the lead­ing cul­tural peo­ples might­ily in­flu­ences the achieve­ment of world-wide peace and pros­per­ity.

81:6.19While very lit­tle prog­ress has been made on Uran­tia to­ward de­vel­op­ing an in­ter­na­tional lan­guage, much has been ac­com­plished by the es­tab­lish­ment of in­ter­na­tional com­mer­cial ex­change. And all these in­ter­na­tional re­la­tions should be fos­tered, whether they in­volve lan­guage, trade, art, sci­ence, com­pet­i­tive play, or re­li­gion.

81:6.207. Ef­fec­tive­ness of me­chan­i­cal de­vices. The prog­ress of civ­i­liza­tion is di­rectly re­lated to the de­vel­op­ment and pos­ses­sion of tools, ma­chines, and chan­nels of dis­tri­bu­tion. Im­proved tools, in­ge­nious and ef­fi­cient ma­chines, de­ter­mine the sur­vival of con­tend­ing groups in the arena of ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion.

81:6.21In the early days the only en­ergy ap­plied to land cul­ti­va­tion was man power. It was a long strug­gle to sub­sti­tute oxen for men since this threw men out of em­ploy­ment. Lat­terly, ma­chines have be­gun to dis­place men, and ev­ery such ad­vance is di­rectly con­trib­u­tory to the prog­ress of so­ci­ety be­cause it lib­er­ates man power for the ac­com­plish­ment of more valu­able tasks.

81:6.22Sci­ence, guided by wis­dom, may be­come man’s great so­cial lib­er­a­tor. A me­chan­i­cal age can prove dis­as­trous only to a na­tion whose in­tel­lec­tual level is too low to dis­cover those wise meth­ods and sound tech­niques for suc­cess­fully ad­just­ing to the tran­si­tion dif­fi­cul­ties aris­ing from the sud­den loss of em­ploy­ment by large num­bers con­se­quent upon the too rapid in­ven­tion of new types of labor­sav­ing ma­chin­ery.

81:6.238. Char­ac­ter of torch­bear­ers. So­cial in­her­i­tance en­ables man to stand on the shoul­ders of all who have pre­ceded him, and who have con­tributed aught to the sum of cul­ture and knowl­edge. In this work of pass­ing on the cul­tural torch to the next gen­er­a­tion, the home will ever be the ba­sic in­sti­tu­tion. The play and so­cial life comes next, with the school last but equally in­dis­pens­able in a com­plex and highly or­ga­nized so­ci­ety.

81:6.24In­sects are born fully ed­u­cated and equipped for life—in­deed, a very nar­row and purely in­stinc­tive ex­is­tence. The hu­man baby is born with­out an ed­u­ca­tion; there­fore man pos­sesses the power, by con­trol­ling the ed­u­ca­tional train­ing of the younger gen­er­a­tion, greatly to mod­ify the evo­lu­tion­ary course of civ­i­liza­tion.

81:6.25The great­est twen­ti­eth-cen­tury in­flu­ences con­tribut­ing to the fur­ther­ance of civ­i­liza­tion and the ad­vance­ment of cul­ture are the marked in­crease in world travel and the un­par­al­leled im­prove­ments in meth­ods of com­mu­ni­ca­tion. But the im­prove­ment in ed­u­ca­tion has not kept pace with the ex­pand­ing so­cial struc­ture; nei­ther has the mod­ern ap­pre­ci­a­tion of ethics de­vel­oped in cor­re­spon­dence with growth along more purely in­tel­lec­tual and sci­en­tific lines. And mod­ern civ­i­liza­tion is at a stand­still in spir­i­tual de­vel­op­ment and the safe­guard­ing of the home in­sti­tu­tion.

81:6.269. The racial ide­als. The ide­als of one gen­er­a­tion carve out the chan­nels of des­tiny for im­me­di­ate pos­ter­ity. The qual­ity of the so­cial torch­bear­ers will de­ter­mine whether civ­i­liza­tion goes for­ward or back­ward. The homes, churches, and schools of one gen­er­a­tion pre­de­ter­mine the char­ac­ter trend of the suc­ceed­ing gen­er­a­tion. The moral and spir­i­tual mo­men­tum of a race or a na­tion largely de­ter­mines the cul­tural ve­loc­ity of that civ­i­liza­tion.

81:6.27Ide­als el­e­vate the source of the so­cial stream. And no stream will rise any higher than its source no mat­ter what tech­nique of pres­sure or di­rec­tional con­trol may be em­ployed. The driv­ing power of even the most ma­te­rial as­pects of a cul­tural civ­i­liza­tion is res­i­dent in the least ma­te­rial of so­ci­ety’s achieve­ments. In­tel­li­gence may con­trol the mech­a­nism of civ­i­liza­tion, wis­dom may di­rect it, but spir­i­tual ide­al­ism is the en­ergy which re­ally up­lifts and ad­vances hu­man cul­ture from one level of at­tain­ment to an­other.

81:6.28At first life was a strug­gle for ex­is­tence; now, for a stan­dard of liv­ing; next it will be for qual­ity of think­ing, the com­ing earthly goal of hu­man ex­is­tence.

81:6.2910. Co-or­di­na­tion of spe­cial­ists. Civ­i­liza­tion has been enor­mously ad­vanced by the early di­vi­sion of la­bor and by its later corol­lary of spe­cial­iza­tion. Civ­i­liza­tion is now de­pen­dent on the ef­fec­tive co-or­di­na­tion of spe­cial­ists. As so­ci­ety ex­pands, some method of draw­ing to­gether the var­i­ous spe­cial­ists must be found.

81:6.30So­cial, artis­tic, tech­ni­cal, and in­dus­trial spe­cial­ists will con­tinue to mul­ti­ply and in­crease in skill and dex­ter­ity. And this di­ver­si­fi­ca­tion of abil­ity and dis­sim­i­lar­ity of em­ploy­ment will even­tu­ally weaken and dis­in­te­grate hu­man so­ci­ety if ef­fec­tive means of co-or­di­na­tion and co-op­er­a­tion are not de­vel­oped. But the in­tel­li­gence which is ca­pa­ble of such in­ven­tive­ness and such spe­cial­iza­tion should be wholly com­pe­tent to de­vise ad­e­quate meth­ods of con­trol and ad­just­ment for all prob­lems re­sult­ing from the rapid growth of in­ven­tion and the ac­cel­er­ated pace of cul­tural ex­pan­sion.

81:6.3111. Place-find­ing de­vices. The next age of so­cial de­vel­op­ment will be em­bod­ied in a bet­ter and more ef­fec­tive co-op­er­a­tion and co-or­di­na­tion of ever-in­creas­ing and ex­pand­ing spe­cial­iza­tion. And as la­bor more and more di­ver­si­fies, some tech­nique for di­rect­ing in­di­vid­u­als to suit­able em­ploy­ment must be de­vised. Ma­chin­ery is not the only cause for un­em­ploy­ment among the civ­i­lized peo­ples of Uran­tia. Eco­nomic com­plex­ity and the steady in­crease of in­dus­trial and pro­fes­sional spe­cial­ism add to the prob­lems of la­bor place­ment.

81:6.32It is not enough to train men for work; in a com­plex so­ci­ety there must also be pro­vided ef­fi­cient meth­ods of place find­ing. Be­fore train­ing cit­i­zens in the highly spe­cial­ized tech­niques of earn­ing a liv­ing, they should be trained in one or more meth­ods of com­mon­place la­bor, trades or call­ings which could be uti­lized when they were tran­siently un­em­ployed in their spe­cial­ized work. No civ­i­liza­tion can sur­vive the long-time har­bor­ing of large classes of un­em­ployed. In time, even the best of cit­i­zens will be­come dis­torted and de­mor­al­ized by ac­cept­ing sup­port from the pub­lic trea­sury. Even pri­vate char­ity be­comes per­ni­cious when long ex­tended to able-bod­ied cit­i­zens.

81:6.33Such a highly spe­cial­ized so­ci­ety will not take kindly to the an­cient com­mu­nal and feu­dal prac­tices of olden peo­ples. True, many com­mon ser­vices can be ac­cept­ably and prof­itably so­cial­ized, but highly trained and ul­tra­spe­cial­ized hu­man be­ings can best be man­aged by some tech­nique of in­tel­li­gent co-op­er­a­tion. Mod­ern­ized co-or­di­na­tion and fra­ter­nal reg­u­la­tion will be pro­duc­tive of longer-lived co-op­er­a­tion than will the older and more prim­i­tive meth­ods of com­mu­nism or dic­ta­to­rial reg­u­la­tive in­sti­tu­tions based on force.

81:6.3412. The will­ing­ness to co-op­er­ate. One of the great hin­drances to the prog­ress of hu­man so­ci­ety is the con­flict be­tween the in­ter­ests and wel­fare of the larger, more so­cial­ized hu­man groups and of the smaller, con­trary-minded aso­cial as­so­ci­a­tions of man­kind, not to men­tion an­ti­so­cially-minded sin­gle in­di­vid­u­als.

81:6.35No na­tional civ­i­liza­tion long en­dures un­less its ed­u­ca­tional meth­ods and re­li­gious ide­als in­spire a high type of in­tel­li­gent pa­tri­o­tism and na­tional de­vo­tion. With­out this sort of in­tel­li­gent pa­tri­o­tism and cul­tural sol­i­dar­ity, all na­tions tend to dis­in­te­grate as a re­sult of provin­cial jeal­ousies and lo­cal self-in­ter­ests.

81:6.36The main­te­nance of world-wide civ­i­liza­tion is de­pen­dent on hu­man be­ings learn­ing how to live to­gether in peace and fra­ter­nity. With­out ef­fec­tive co-or­di­na­tion, in­dus­trial civ­i­liza­tion is jeop­ar­dized by the dan­gers of ul­tra­spe­cial­iza­tion: mo­not­ony, nar­row­ness, and the ten­dency to breed dis­trust and jeal­ousy.

81:6.3713. Ef­fec­tive and wise lead­er­ship. In civ­i­liza­tion much, very much, de­pends on an en­thu­si­as­tic and ef­fec­tive load-pulling spirit. Ten men are of lit­tle more value than one in lift­ing a great load un­less they lift to­gether—all at the same mo­ment. And such team­work—so­cial co-op­er­a­tion—is de­pen­dent on lead­er­ship. The cul­tural civ­i­liza­tions of the past and the pres­ent have been based upon the in­tel­li­gent co-op­er­a­tion of the cit­i­zenry with wise and pro­gres­sive lead­ers; and un­til man evolves to higher lev­els, civ­i­liza­tion will con­tinue to be de­pen­dent on wise and vig­or­ous lead­er­ship.

81:6.38High civ­i­liza­tions are born of the saga­cious cor­re­la­tion of ma­te­rial wealth, in­tel­lec­tual great­ness, moral worth, so­cial clev­er­ness, and cos­mic in­sight.

81:6.3914. So­cial changes. So­ci­ety is not a di­vine in­sti­tu­tion; it is a phe­nom­e­non of pro­gres­sive evo­lu­tion; and ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion is al­ways de­layed when its lead­ers are slow in mak­ing those changes in the so­cial or­ga­ni­za­tion which are es­sen­tial to keep­ing pace with the sci­en­tific de­vel­op­ments of the age. For all that, things must not be de­spised just be­cause they are old, nei­ther should an idea be un­con­di­tion­ally em­braced just be­cause it is novel and new.

81:6.40Man should be un­afraid to ex­per­i­ment with the mech­a­nisms of so­ci­ety. But al­ways should these ad­ven­tures in cul­tural ad­just­ment be con­trolled by those who are fully con­ver­sant with the his­tory of so­cial evo­lu­tion; and al­ways should these in­no­va­tors be coun­seled by the wis­dom of those who have had prac­ti­cal ex­pe­ri­ence in the do­mains of con­tem­plated so­cial or eco­nomic ex­per­i­ment. No great so­cial or eco­nomic change should be at­tempted sud­denly. Time is es­sen­tial to all types of hu­man ad­just­ment—phys­i­cal, so­cial, or eco­nomic. Only moral and spir­i­tual ad­just­ments can be made on the spur of the mo­ment, and even these re­quire the pass­ing of time for the full out­work­ing of their ma­te­rial and so­cial reper­cus­sions. The ide­als of the race are the chief sup­port and as­sur­ance dur­ing the crit­i­cal times when civ­i­liza­tion is in tran­sit from one level to an­other.

88:3.4The in­signia of priestly and kingly of­fice were even­tu­ally re­garded as fe­tishes, and the fe­tish of the state su­preme has passed through many stages of de­vel­op­ment, from clans to tribes, from su­zer­ainty to sov­er­eignty, from totems to flags. Fe­tish kings have ruled by “di­vine right,” and many other forms of gov­ern­ment have ob­tained. Men have also made a fe­tish of democ­racy, the ex­al­ta­tion and ado­ra­tion of the com­mon man’s ideas when col­lec­tively called “pub­lic opin­ion.” One man’s opin­ion, when taken by it­self, is not re­garded as worth much, but when many men are col­lec­tively func­tion­ing as a democ­racy, this same mediocre judg­ment is held to be the ar­biter of jus­tice and the stan­dard of righ­teous­ness.

97:8.5All mod­ern re­li­gions have se­ri­ously blun­dered in the at­tempt to put a mirac­u­lous in­ter­pre­ta­tion on cer­tain epochs of hu­man his­tory. While it is true that God has many times thrust a Fa­ther’s hand of prov­i­den­tial in­ter­ven­tion into the stream of hu­man af­fairs, it is a mis­take to re­gard the­o­logic dog­mas and re­li­gious su­per­sti­tion as a super­nat­u­ral sed­i­men­ta­tion ap­pear­ing by mirac­u­lous ac­tion in this stream of hu­man his­tory. The fact that the “Most Highs rule in the king­doms of men” does not con­vert sec­u­lar his­tory into so-called sa­cred his­tory.

99:1.5A god­less hu­man­i­tar­i­an­ism is, hu­manly speak­ing, a no­ble ges­ture, but true re­li­gion is the only power which can last­ingly in­crease the re­spon­sive­ness of one so­cial group to the needs and suf­fer­ings of other groups. In the past, in­sti­tu­tional re­li­gion could re­main pas­sive while the up­per strata of so­ci­ety turned a deaf ear to the suf­fer­ings and op­pres­sion of the help­less lower strata, but in mod­ern times these lower so­cial or­ders are no longer so ab­jectly ig­no­rant nor so po­lit­i­cally help­less.

120:3.4“3. In your re­la­tions to the so­cial or­der we ad­vise that you con­fine your ef­forts largely to spir­i­tual re­gen­er­a­tion and in­tel­lec­tual eman­ci­pa­tion. Avoid all en­tan­gle­ments with the eco­nomic struc­ture and the po­lit­i­cal com­mit­ments of your day. More es­pe­cially de­vote your­self to liv­ing the ideal re­li­gious life on Uran­tia.

132:4.8Meet­ing a poor man who had been falsely ac­cused, Je­sus went with him be­fore the mag­is­trate and, hav­ing been granted spe­cial per­mis­sion to ap­pear in his be­half, made that su­perb ad­dress in the course of which he said: “Jus­tice makes a na­tion great, and the greater a na­tion the more so­lic­i­tous will it be to see that in­jus­tice shall not be­fall even its most hum­ble cit­i­zen. Woe upon any na­tion when only those who pos­sess money and in­flu­ence can se­cure ready jus­tice be­fore its courts! It is the sa­cred duty of a mag­is­trate to ac­quit the in­no­cent as well as to pun­ish the guilty. Upon the im­par­tial­ity, fair­ness, and in­tegrity of its courts the en­durance of a na­tion de­pends. Civil gov­ern­ment is founded on jus­tice, even as true re­li­gion is founded on mercy.” The judge re­opened the case, and when the ev­i­dence had been sifted, he dis­charged the pris­oner. Of all Je­sus’ ac­tiv­i­ties dur­ing these days of per­sonal min­istry, this came the near­est to be­ing a pub­lic ap­pear­ance.

133:1.5But Ga­nid was not fully sat­is­fied. Many times they talked over these mat­ters, and Je­sus told him some of his boy­hood ex­pe­ri­ences and also about Ja­cob the stone ma­son’s son. On learn­ing how Ja­cob ap­pointed him­self to de­fend Je­sus, Ga­nid said: “Oh, I be­gin to see! In the first place very sel­dom would any nor­mal hu­man be­ing want to at­tack such a kindly per­son as you, and even if any­one should be so un­think­ing as to do such a thing, there is pretty sure to be near at hand some other mor­tal who will fly to your as­sis­tance, even as you al­ways go to the res­cue of any per­son you ob­serve to be in dis­tress. In my heart, Teacher, I agree with you, but in my head I still think that if I had been Ja­cob, I would have en­joyed pun­ish­ing those rude fel­lows who pre­sumed to at­tack you just be­cause they thought you would not de­fend your­self. I pre­sume you are fairly safe in your jour­ney through life since you spend much of your time help­ing oth­ers and min­is­ter­ing to your fel­lows in dis­tress—well, most likely there’ll al­ways be some­one on hand to de­fend you.” And Je­sus replied: “That test has not yet come, Ga­nid, and when it does, we will have to abide by the Fa­ther’s will.” And that was about all the lad could get his teacher to say on this dif­fi­cult sub­ject of self-de­fense and non­re­sis­tance. On an­other oc­ca­sion he did draw from Je­sus the opin­ion that or­ga­nized so­ci­ety had ev­ery right to em­ploy force in the ex­e­cu­tion of its just man­dates.

133:4.3To the Ro­man cen­tu­rion he said: “Ren­der unto Cae­sar the things which are Cae­sar’s and unto God the things which are God’s. The sin­cere ser­vice of God and the loyal ser­vice of Cae­sar do not con­flict un­less Cae­sar should pre­sume to ar­ro­gate to him­self that homage which alone can be claimed by De­ity. Loy­alty to God, if you should come to know him, would ren­der you all the more loyal and faith­ful in your de­vo­tion to a wor­thy em­peror.”

133:4.4–11 · eight paragraphs not cited here ·

133:4.4To the earnest leader of the Mith­raic cult he said: “You do well to seek for a re­li­gion of eter­nal sal­va­tion, but you err to go in quest of such a glo­ri­ous truth among man-made mys­ter­ies and hu­man philoso­phies. Know you not that the mys­tery of eter­nal sal­va­tion dwells within your own soul? Do you not know that the God of heaven has sent his spirit to live within you, and that this spirit will lead all truth-lov­ing and God-serv­ing mor­tals out of this life and through the por­tals of death up to the eter­nal heights of light where God waits to re­ceive his chil­dren? And never for­get: You who know God are the sons of God if you truly yearn to be like him.”

133:4.5To the Epi­curean teacher he said: “You do well to choose the best and es­teem the good, but are you wise when you fail to dis­cern the greater things of mor­tal life which are em­bod­ied in the spirit realms de­rived from the re­al­iza­tion of the pres­ence of God in the hu­man heart? The great thing in all hu­man ex­pe­ri­ence is the re­al­iza­tion of know­ing the God whose spirit lives within you and seeks to lead you forth on that long and al­most end­less jour­ney of at­tain­ing the per­sonal pres­ence of our com­mon Fa­ther, the God of all cre­ation, the Lord of uni­verses.”

133:4.6To the Greek con­trac­tor and builder he said: “My friend, as you build the ma­te­rial struc­tures of men, grow a spir­i­tual char­ac­ter in the simil­i­tude of the di­vine spirit within your soul. Do not let your achieve­ment as a tem­po­ral builder out­run your at­tain­ment as a spir­i­tual son of the king­dom of heaven. While you build the man­sions of time for an­other, ne­glect not to se­cure your ti­tle to the man­sions of eter­nity for your­self. Ever re­mem­ber, there is a city whose foun­da­tions are righ­teous­ness and truth, and whose builder and maker is God.”

133:4.7To the Ro­man judge he said: “As you judge men, re­mem­ber that you your­self will also some day come to judg­ment be­fore the bar of the Rulers of a uni­verse. Judge justly, even mer­ci­fully, even as you shall some day thus crave mer­ci­ful con­sid­er­a­tion at the hands of the Su­preme Ar­biter. Judge as you would be judged un­der sim­i­lar cir­cum­stances, thus be­ing guided by the spirit of the law as well as by its let­ter. And even as you ac­cord jus­tice dom­i­nated by fair­ness in the light of the need of those who are brought be­fore you, so shall you have the right to ex­pect jus­tice tem­pered by mercy when you some­time stand be­fore the Judge of all the earth.”

133:4.8To the mis­tress of the Greek inn he said: “Min­is­ter your hos­pi­tal­ity as one who en­ter­tains the chil­dren of the Most High. El­e­vate the drudgery of your daily toil to the high lev­els of a fine art through the in­creas­ing re­al­iza­tion that you min­is­ter to God in the per­sons whom he in­dwells by his spirit which has de­scended to live within the hearts of men, thereby seek­ing to trans­form their minds and lead their souls to the knowl­edge of the Par­a­dise Fa­ther of all these be­stowed gifts of the di­vine spirit.”

133:4.9Je­sus had many vis­its with a Chi­nese mer­chant. In say­ing good-bye, he ad­mon­ished him: “Wor­ship only God, who is your true spirit an­ces­tor. Re­mem­ber that the Fa­ther’s spirit ever lives within you and al­ways points your soul-di­rec­tion heav­en­ward. If you fol­low the un­con­scious lead­ings of this im­mor­tal spirit, you are cer­tain to con­tinue on in the up­lifted way of find­ing God. And when you do at­tain the Fa­ther in heaven, it will be be­cause by seek­ing him you have be­come more and more like him. And so farewell, Chang, but only for a sea­son, for we shall meet again in the worlds of light where the Fa­ther of spirit souls has pro­vided many de­light­ful stop­ping-places for those who are Par­a­dise-bound.”

133:4.10To the trav­eler from Britain he said: “My brother, I per­ceive you are seek­ing for truth, and I sug­gest that the spirit of the Fa­ther of all truth may chance to dwell within you. Did you ever sin­cerely en­deavor to talk with the spirit of your own soul? Such a thing is in­deed dif­fi­cult and sel­dom yields con­scious­ness of suc­cess; but ev­ery hon­est at­tempt of the ma­te­rial mind to com­mu­ni­cate with its in­dwelling spirit meets with cer­tain suc­cess, not­with­stand­ing that the ma­jor­ity of all such mag­nif­i­cent hu­man ex­pe­ri­ences must long re­main as super­con­scious reg­is­tra­tions in the souls of such God-know­ing mor­tals.”

133:4.11To the run­away lad Je­sus said: “Re­mem­ber, there are two things you can­not run away from—God and your­self. Wher­ever you may go, you take with you your­self and the spirit of the heav­enly Fa­ther which lives within your heart. My son, stop try­ing to de­ceive your­self; set­tle down to the coura­geous prac­tice of fac­ing the facts of life; lay firm hold on the as­sur­ances of son­ship with God and the cer­tainty of eter­nal life, as I have in­structed you. From this day on pur­pose to be a real man, a man de­ter­mined to face life bravely and in­tel­li­gently.”

133:4.12To the con­demned crim­i­nal he said at the last hour: “My brother, you have fallen on evil times. You lost your way; you be­came en­tan­gled in the meshes of crime. From talk­ing to you, I well know you did not plan to do the thing which is about to cost you your tem­po­ral life. But you did do this evil, and your fel­lows have ad­judged you guilty; they have de­ter­mined that you shall die. You or I may not deny the state this right of self-de­fense in the man­ner of its own choos­ing. There seems to be no way of hu­manly es­cap­ing the penalty of your wrong­do­ing. Your fel­lows must judge you by what you did, but there is a Judge to whom you may ap­peal for for­give­ness, and who will judge you by your real mo­tives and bet­ter in­ten­tions. You need not fear to meet the judg­ment of God if your re­pen­tance is gen­uine and your faith sin­cere. The fact that your er­ror car­ries with it the death penalty im­posed by man does not prej­u­dice the chance of your soul to ob­tain jus­tice and en­joy mercy be­fore the heav­enly courts.”

134:5.1[While the Mas­ter’s teach­ing con­cern­ing the sov­er­eignty of God is a truth—only com­pli­cated by the sub­se­quent ap­pear­ance of the re­li­gion about him among the world’s re­li­gions—his pre­sen­ta­tions con­cern­ing po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty are vastly com­pli­cated by the po­lit­i­cal evo­lu­tion of na­tion life dur­ing the last nine­teen hun­dred years and more. In the times of Je­sus there were only two great world pow­ers—the Ro­man Em­pire in the West and the Han Em­pire in the East—and these were widely sep­a­rated by the Parthian king­dom and other in­ter­ven­ing lands of the Caspian and Tur­kes­tan re­gions. We have, there­fore, in the fol­low­ing pre­sen­ta­tion de­parted more widely from the sub­stance of the Mas­ter’s teach­ings at Ur­mia con­cern­ing po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty, at the same time at­tempt­ing to de­pict the im­port of such teach­ings as they are ap­pli­ca­ble to the pe­cu­liarly crit­i­cal stage of the evo­lu­tion of po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty in the twen­ti­eth cen­tury af­ter Christ.]

134:5.2War on Uran­tia will never end so long as na­tions cling to the il­lu­sive no­tions of un­lim­ited na­tional sov­er­eignty. There are only two lev­els of rel­a­tive sov­er­eignty on an in­hab­ited world: the spir­i­tual free will of the in­di­vid­ual mor­tal and the col­lec­tive sov­er­eignty of man­kind as a whole. Be­tween the level of the in­di­vid­ual hu­man be­ing and the level of the to­tal of man­kind, all group­ings and as­so­ci­a­tions are rel­a­tive, tran­si­tory, and of value only in so far as they en­hance the wel­fare, well-be­ing, and prog­ress of the in­di­vid­ual and the plan­e­tary grand to­tal—man and man­kind.

134:5.3Re­li­gious teach­ers must al­ways re­mem­ber that the spir­i­tual sov­er­eignty of God over­rides all in­ter­ven­ing and in­ter­me­di­ate spir­i­tual loy­al­ties. Some­day civil rulers will learn that the Most Highs rule in the king­doms of men.

134:5.4This rule of the Most Highs in the king­doms of men is not for the es­pe­cial ben­e­fit of any es­pe­cially fa­vored group of mor­tals. There is no such thing as a “cho­sen peo­ple.” The rule of the Most Highs, the over­con­trollers of po­lit­i­cal evo­lu­tion, is a rule de­signed to fos­ter the great­est good to the great­est num­ber of all men and for the great­est length of time.

134:5.5Sov­er­eignty is power and it grows by or­ga­ni­za­tion. This growth of the or­ga­ni­za­tion of po­lit­i­cal power is good and proper, for it tends to en­com­pass ever-widen­ing seg­ments of the to­tal of man­kind. But this same growth of po­lit­i­cal or­ga­ni­za­tions cre­ates a prob­lem at ev­ery in­ter­ven­ing stage be­tween the ini­tial and nat­u­ral or­ga­ni­za­tion of po­lit­i­cal power—the fam­ily—and the fi­nal con­sum­ma­tion of po­lit­i­cal growth—the gov­ern­ment of all man­kind, by all man­kind, and for all man­kind.

134:5.6Start­ing out with pa­ren­tal power in the fam­ily group, po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty evolves by or­ga­ni­za­tion as fam­i­lies over­lap into con­san­guineous clans which be­come united, for var­i­ous rea­sons, into tribal units—super­con­san­guineous po­lit­i­cal group­ings. And then, by trade, com­merce, and con­quest, tribes be­come uni­fied as a na­tion, while na­tions them­selves some­times be­come uni­fied by em­pire.

134:5.7As sov­er­eignty passes from smaller groups to larger groups, wars are less­ened. That is, mi­nor wars be­tween smaller na­tions are less­ened, but the po­ten­tial for greater wars is in­creased as the na­tions wield­ing sov­er­eignty be­come larger and larger. Pres­ently, when all the world has been ex­plored and oc­cu­pied, when na­tions are few, strong, and pow­er­ful, when these great and sup­pos­edly sov­er­eign na­tions come to touch bor­ders, when only oceans sep­a­rate them, then will the stage be set for ma­jor wars, world-wide con­flicts. So-called sov­er­eign na­tions can­not rub el­bows with­out gen­er­at­ing con­flicts and even­tu­at­ing wars.

134:5.8The dif­fi­culty in the evo­lu­tion of po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty from the fam­ily to all man­kind, lies in the in­er­tia-re­sis­tance ex­hib­ited on all in­ter­ven­ing lev­els. Fam­i­lies have, on oc­ca­sion, de­fied their clan, while clans and tribes have of­ten been sub­ver­sive of the sov­er­eignty of the ter­ri­to­rial state. Each new and for­ward evo­lu­tion of po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty is (and has al­ways been) em­bar­rassed and ham­pered by the “scaf­fold­ing stages” of the pre­vi­ous de­vel­op­ments in po­lit­i­cal or­ga­ni­za­tion. And this is true be­cause hu­man loy­al­ties, once mo­bi­lized, are hard to change. The same loy­alty which makes pos­si­ble the evo­lu­tion of the tribe, makes dif­fi­cult the evo­lu­tion of the super­tribe—the ter­ri­to­rial state. And the same loy­alty (pa­tri­o­tism) which makes pos­si­ble the evo­lu­tion of the ter­ri­to­rial state, vastly com­pli­cates the evo­lu­tion­ary de­vel­op­ment of the gov­ern­ment of all man­kind.

134:5.9Po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty is cre­ated out of the sur­ren­der of self-de­ter­min­ism, first by the in­di­vid­ual within the fam­ily and then by the fam­i­lies and clans in re­la­tion to the tribe and larger group­ings. This pro­gres­sive trans­fer of self-de­ter­mi­na­tion from the smaller to ever larger po­lit­i­cal or­ga­ni­za­tions has gen­er­ally pro­ceeded un­abated in the East since the es­tab­lish­ment of the Ming and the Mogul dy­nas­ties. In the West it ob­tained for more than a thou­sand years right on down to the end of the World War, when an un­for­tu­nate ret­ro­grade move­ment tem­porar­ily re­versed this nor­mal trend by re-es­tab­lish­ing the sub­merged po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty of nu­mer­ous small groups in Eu­rope.

134:5.10Uran­tia will not en­joy last­ing peace un­til the so-called sov­er­eign na­tions in­tel­li­gently and fully sur­ren­der their sov­er­eign pow­ers into the hands of the broth­er­hood of men—man­kind gov­ern­ment. In­ter­na­tion­al­ism—Leagues of Na­tions—can never bring per­ma­nent peace to man­kind. World-wide con­fed­er­a­tions of na­tions will ef­fec­tively pre­vent mi­nor wars and ac­cept­ably con­trol the smaller na­tions, but they will not pre­vent world wars nor con­trol the three, four, or five most pow­er­ful gov­ern­ments. In the face of real con­flicts, one of these world pow­ers will with­draw from the League and de­clare war. You can­not pre­vent na­tions go­ing to war as long as they re­main in­fected with the delu­sional virus of na­tional sov­er­eignty. In­ter­na­tion­al­ism is a step in the right di­rec­tion. An in­ter­na­tional po­lice force will pre­vent many mi­nor wars, but it will not be ef­fec­tive in pre­vent­ing ma­jor wars, con­flicts be­tween the great mil­i­tary gov­ern­ments of earth.

134:5.11As the num­ber of truly sov­er­eign na­tions (great pow­ers) de­creases, so do both op­por­tu­nity and need for man­kind gov­ern­ment in­crease. When there are only a few re­ally sov­er­eign (great) pow­ers, ei­ther they must em­bark on the life and death strug­gle for na­tional (im­pe­rial) su­prem­acy, or else, by vol­un­tary sur­ren­der of cer­tain pre­rog­a­tives of sov­er­eignty, they must cre­ate the es­sen­tial nu­cleus of super­na­tional power which will serve as the be­gin­ning of the real sov­er­eignty of all man­kind.

134:5.12Peace will not come to Uran­tia un­til ev­ery so-called sov­er­eign na­tion sur­ren­ders its power to make war into the hands of a rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment of all man­kind. Po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty is in­nate with the peo­ples of the world. When all the peo­ples of Uran­tia cre­ate a world gov­ern­ment, they have the right and the power to make such a gov­ern­ment SOV­ER­EIGN; and when such a rep­re­sen­ta­tive or demo­cratic world power con­trols the world’s land, air, and naval forces, peace on earth and good will among men can pre­vail—but not un­til then.

134:5.13To use an im­por­tant nine­teenth- and twen­ti­eth-cen­tury il­lus­tra­tion: The forty-eight states of the Amer­i­can Fed­eral Union have long en­joyed peace. They have no more wars among them­selves. They have sur­ren­dered their sov­er­eignty to the fed­eral gov­ern­ment, and through the ar­bitra­ment of war, they have aban­doned all claims to the delu­sions of self-de­ter­mi­na­tion. While each state reg­u­lates its in­ter­nal af­fairs, it is not con­cerned with for­eign re­la­tions, tar­iffs, im­mi­gra­tion, mil­i­tary af­fairs, or in­ter­state com­merce. Nei­ther do the in­di­vid­ual states con­cern them­selves with mat­ters of cit­i­zen­ship. The forty-eight states suf­fer the rav­ages of war only when the fed­eral gov­ern­ment’s sov­er­eignty is in some way jeop­ar­dized.

134:5.14These forty-eight states, hav­ing aban­doned the twin soph­ist­ries of sov­er­eignty and self-de­ter­mi­na­tion, en­joy in­ter­state peace and tran­quil­lity. So will the na­tions of Uran­tia be­gin to en­joy peace when they freely sur­ren­der their re­spec­tive sovereign­ties into the hands of a global gov­ern­ment—the sov­er­eignty of the broth­er­hood of men. In this world state the small na­tions will be as pow­er­ful as the great, even as the small state of Rhode Is­land has its two sen­a­tors in the Amer­i­can Congress just the same as the pop­u­lous state of New York or the large state of Texas.

134:5.15The lim­ited (state) sov­er­eignty of these forty-eight states was cre­ated by men and for men. The super­state (na­tional) sov­er­eignty of the Amer­i­can Fed­eral Union was cre­ated by the orig­i­nal thir­teen of these states for their own ben­e­fit and for the ben­e­fit of men. Some­time the super­na­tional sov­er­eignty of the plan­e­tary gov­ern­ment of man­kind will be sim­i­larly cre­ated by na­tions for their own ben­e­fit and for the ben­e­fit of all men.

134:5.16Cit­i­zens are not born for the ben­e­fit of gov­ern­ments; gov­ern­ments are or­ga­ni­za­tions cre­ated and de­vised for the ben­e­fit of men. There can be no end to the evo­lu­tion of po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty short of the ap­pear­ance of the gov­ern­ment of the sov­er­eignty of all men. All other sovereign­ties are rel­a­tive in value, in­ter­me­di­ate in mean­ing, and sub­or­di­nate in sta­tus.

134:5.17With sci­en­tific prog­ress, wars are go­ing to be­come more and more dev­as­tat­ing un­til they be­come al­most racially sui­ci­dal. How many world wars must be fought and how many leagues of na­tions must fail be­fore men will be will­ing to es­tab­lish the gov­ern­ment of man­kind and be­gin to en­joy the bless­ings of per­ma­nent peace and thrive on the tran­quil­lity of good will—world-wide good will—among men?

134:6.1If one man craves free­dom—lib­erty—he must re­mem­ber that all other men long for the same free­dom. Groups of such lib­erty-lov­ing mor­tals can­not live to­gether in peace with­out be­com­ing sub­servient to such laws, rules, and reg­u­la­tions as will grant each per­son the same de­gree of free­dom while at the same time safe­guard­ing an equal de­gree of free­dom for all of his fel­low mor­tals. If one man is to be ab­so­lutely free, then an­other must be­come an ab­so­lute slave. And the rel­a­tive na­ture of free­dom is true so­cially, eco­nom­i­cally, and po­lit­i­cally. Free­dom is the gift of civ­i­liza­tion made pos­si­ble by the en­force­ment of LAW.

134:6.2Re­li­gion makes it spir­i­tu­ally pos­si­ble to re­al­ize the broth­er­hood of men, but it will re­quire man­kind gov­ern­ment to reg­u­late the so­cial, eco­nomic, and po­lit­i­cal prob­lems as­so­ci­ated with such a goal of hu­man hap­pi­ness and ef­fi­ciency.

134:6.3There shall be wars and ru­mors of wars—na­tion will rise against na­tion—just as long as the world’s po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty is di­vided up and un­justly held by a group of na­tion-states. Eng­land, Scot­land, and Wales were al­ways fight­ing each other un­til they gave up their re­spec­tive sovereign­ties, repos­ing them in the United King­dom.

134:6.4An­other world war will teach the so-called sov­er­eign na­tions to form some sort of fed­er­a­tion, thus cre­at­ing the ma­chin­ery for pre­vent­ing small wars, wars be­tween the lesser na­tions. But global wars will go on un­til the gov­ern­ment of man­kind is cre­ated. Global sov­er­eignty will pre­vent global wars—noth­ing else can.

134:6.5The forty-eight Amer­i­can free states live to­gether in peace. There are among the cit­i­zens of these forty-eight states all of the var­i­ous na­tion­al­i­ties and races that live in the ever-war­ring na­tions of Eu­rope. These Amer­i­cans rep­re­sent al­most all the re­li­gions and re­li­gious sects and cults of the whole wide world, and yet here in North Amer­ica they live to­gether in peace. And all this is made pos­si­ble be­cause these forty-eight states have sur­ren­dered their sov­er­eignty and have aban­doned all no­tions of the sup­posed rights of self-de­ter­mi­na­tion.

134:6.6It is not a ques­tion of ar­ma­ments or dis­ar­ma­ment. Nei­ther does the ques­tion of con­scrip­tion or vol­un­tary mil­i­tary ser­vice en­ter into these prob­lems of main­tain­ing world-wide peace. If you take ev­ery form of mod­ern me­chan­i­cal ar­ma­ments and all types of ex­plo­sives away from strong na­tions, they will fight with fists, stones, and clubs as long as they cling to their delu­sions of the di­vine right of na­tional sov­er­eignty.

134:6.7War is not man’s great and ter­ri­ble dis­ease; war is a symp­tom, a re­sult. The real dis­ease is the virus of na­tional sov­er­eignty.

134:6.8Uran­tia na­tions have not pos­sessed real sov­er­eignty; they never have had a sov­er­eignty which could pro­tect them from the rav­ages and dev­as­ta­tions of world wars. In the cre­ation of the global gov­ern­ment of man­kind, the na­tions are not giv­ing up sov­er­eignty so much as they are ac­tu­ally cre­at­ing a real, bona fide, and last­ing world sov­er­eignty which will hence­forth be fully able to pro­tect them from all war. Lo­cal af­fairs will be han­dled by lo­cal gov­ern­ments; na­tional af­fairs, by na­tional gov­ern­ments; in­ter­na­tional af­fairs will be ad­min­is­tered by global gov­ern­ment.

134:6.9World peace can­not be main­tained by treaties, diplo­macy, for­eign poli­cies, al­liances, bal­ances of power, or any other type of make­shift jug­gling with the sovereign­ties of na­tion­al­ism. World law must come into be­ing and must be en­forced by world gov­ern­ment—the sov­er­eignty of all man­kind.

134:6.10The in­di­vid­ual will en­joy far more lib­erty un­der world gov­ern­ment. To­day, the cit­i­zens of the great pow­ers are taxed, reg­u­lated, and con­trolled al­most op­pres­sively, and much of this pres­ent in­ter­fer­ence with in­di­vid­ual lib­er­ties will van­ish when the na­tional gov­ern­ments are will­ing to trus­tee their sov­er­eignty as re­gards in­ter­na­tional af­fairs into the hands of global gov­ern­ment.

134:6.11Un­der global gov­ern­ment the na­tional groups will be af­forded a real op­por­tu­nity to re­al­ize and en­joy the per­sonal lib­er­ties of gen­uine democ­racy. The fal­lacy of self-de­ter­mi­na­tion will be ended. With global reg­u­la­tion of money and trade will come the new era of world-wide peace. Soon may a global lan­guage evolve, and there will be at least some hope of some­time hav­ing a global re­li­gion—or re­li­gions with a global view­point.

134:6.12Col­lec­tive se­cu­rity will never af­ford peace un­til the col­lec­tiv­ity in­cludes all man­kind.

134:6.13The po­lit­i­cal sov­er­eignty of rep­re­sen­ta­tive man­kind gov­ern­ment will bring last­ing peace on earth, and the spir­i­tual broth­er­hood of man will for­ever in­sure good will among all men. And there is no other way whereby peace on earth and good will among men can be re­al­ized.

134:6.14Af­ter the death of Cym­boy­ton, his sons en­coun­tered great dif­fi­cul­ties in main­tain­ing a peace­ful fac­ulty. The reper­cus­sions of Je­sus’ teach­ings would have been much greater if the later Chris­tian teach­ers who joined the Ur­mia fac­ulty had ex­hib­ited more wis­dom and ex­er­cised more tol­er­ance.

134:6.15Cym­boy­ton’s el­dest son had ap­pealed to Ab­ner at Phil­a­del­phia for help, but Ab­ner’s choice of teach­ers was most un­for­tu­nate in that they turned out to be un­yield­ing and un­com­pro­mis­ing. These teach­ers sought to make their re­li­gion dom­i­nant over the other be­liefs. They never sus­pected that the oft-re­ferred-to lec­tures of the car­a­van con­duc­tor had been de­liv­ered by Je­sus him­self.

134:6.16As con­fu­sion in­creased in the fac­ulty, the three broth­ers with­drew their fi­nan­cial sup­port, and af­ter five years the school closed. Later it was re­opened as a Mith­raic tem­ple and even­tu­ally burned down in con­nec­tion with one of their or­gias­tic cel­e­bra­tions.

136:9.6Rome was mis­tress of the West­ern world. The Son of Man, now in iso­la­tion and achiev­ing these mo­men­tous de­ci­sions, with the hosts of heaven at his com­mand, rep­re­sented the last chance of the Jews to at­tain world do­min­ion; but this earth­born Jew, who pos­sessed such tremen­dous wis­dom and power, de­clined to use his uni­verse en­dow­ments ei­ther for the ag­gran­dize­ment of him­self or for the en­throne­ment of his peo­ple. He saw, as it were, “the king­doms of this world,” and he pos­sessed the power to take them. The Most Highs of Eden­tia had re­signed all these pow­ers into his hands, but he did not want them. The king­doms of earth were pal­try things to in­ter­est the Cre­ator and Ruler of a uni­verse. He had only one ob­jec­tive, the fur­ther rev­e­la­tion of God to man, the es­tab­lish­ment of the king­dom, the rule of the heav­enly Fa­ther in the hearts of man­kind.

137:7.5In this time of wait­ing Je­sus en­deav­ored to teach his as­so­ciates what their at­ti­tude should be to­ward the var­i­ous re­li­gious groups and the po­lit­i­cal par­ties of Pales­tine. Je­sus’ words al­ways were, “We are seek­ing to win all of them, but we are not of any of them.”

137:7.6–11 · six paragraphs not cited here ·

137:7.6The scribes and rab­bis, taken to­gether, were called Phar­isees. They re­ferred to them­selves as the “as­so­ciates.” In many ways they were the pro­gres­sive group among the Jews, hav­ing adopted many teach­ings not clearly found in the He­brew scrip­tures, such as be­lief in the res­ur­rec­tion of the dead, a doc­trine only men­tioned by a later prophet, Daniel.

137:7.7The Sad­ducees con­sisted of the priest­hood and cer­tain wealthy Jews. They were not such stick­lers for the de­tails of law en­force­ment. The Phar­isees and Sad­ducees were re­ally re­li­gious par­ties, rather than sects.

137:7.8The Es­senes were a true re­li­gious sect, orig­i­nat­ing dur­ing the Mac­cabean re­volt, whose re­quire­ments were in some re­spects more ex­act­ing than those of the Phar­isees. They had adopted many Per­sian be­liefs and prac­tices, lived as a broth­er­hood in monas­ter­ies, re­frained from mar­riage, and had all things in com­mon. They spe­cial­ized in teach­ings about an­gels.

137:7.9The Zealots were a group of in­tense Jew­ish pa­tri­ots. They ad­vo­cated that any and all meth­ods were jus­ti­fied in the strug­gle to es­cape the bond­age of the Ro­man yoke.

137:7.10The Hero­di­ans were a purely po­lit­i­cal party that ad­vo­cated eman­ci­pa­tion from the di­rect Ro­man rule by a restora­tion of the Hero­dian dy­nasty.

137:7.11In the very midst of Pales­tine there lived the Samar­i­tans, with whom “the Jews had no deal­ings,” not­with­stand­ing that they held many views sim­i­lar to the Jew­ish teach­ings.

137:7.12All of these par­ties and sects, in­clud­ing the smaller Nazarite broth­er­hood, be­lieved in the some­time com­ing of the Mes­siah. They all looked for a na­tional de­liv­erer. But Je­sus was very pos­i­tive in mak­ing it clear that he and his dis­ci­ples would not be­come al­lied to any of these schools of thought or prac­tice. The Son of Man was to be nei­ther a Nazarite nor an Es­sene.

138:5.4Zeb­e­dee and Sa­lome had gone to live with their son David so that their large home could be turned over to Je­sus and his twelve apos­tles. Here Je­sus spent a quiet Sab­bath with his cho­sen mes­sen­gers; he care­fully out­lined the plans for pro­claim­ing the king­dom and fully ex­plained the im­por­tance of avoid­ing any clash with the civil au­thor­i­ties, say­ing: “If the civil rulers are to be re­buked, leave that task to me. See that you make no de­nun­ci­a­tions of Cae­sar or his ser­vants.” It was this same evening that Ju­das Is­car­iot took Je­sus aside to in­quire why noth­ing was done to get John out of prison. And Ju­das was not wholly sat­is­fied with Je­sus’ at­ti­tude.

139:11.9The Mas­ter had many talks with Si­mon, but he never fully suc­ceeded in mak­ing an in­ter­na­tion­al­ist out of this ar­dent Jew­ish na­tion­al­ist. Je­sus of­ten told Si­mon that it was proper to want to see the so­cial, eco­nomic, and po­lit­i­cal or­ders im­proved, but he would al­ways add: “That is not the busi­ness of the king­dom of heaven. We must be ded­i­cated to the do­ing of the Fa­ther’s will. Our busi­ness is to be am­bas­sadors of a spir­i­tual gov­ern­ment on high, and we must not im­me­di­ately con­cern our­selves with aught but the rep­re­sen­ta­tion of the will and char­ac­ter of the di­vine Fa­ther who stands at the head of the gov­ern­ment whose cre­den­tials we bear.” It was all dif­fi­cult for Si­mon to com­pre­hend, but grad­u­ally he be­gan to grasp some­thing of the mean­ing of the Mas­ter’s teach­ing.

140:6.6Je­sus was minded to go on dis­cussing the other com­mand­ments when James Zeb­e­dee in­ter­rupted him, ask­ing: “Mas­ter, what shall we teach the peo­ple re­gard­ing di­vorce­ment? Shall we al­low a man to di­vorce his wife as Moses has di­rected?” And when Je­sus heard this ques­tion, he said: “I have not come to leg­is­late but to en­lighten. I have come not to re­form the king­doms of this world but rather to es­tab­lish the king­dom of heaven. It is not the will of the Fa­ther that I should yield to the temp­ta­tion to teach you rules of gov­ern­ment, trade, or so­cial be­hav­ior, which, while they might be good for to­day, would be far from suit­able for the so­ci­ety of an­other age. I am on earth solely to com­fort the minds, lib­er­ate the spir­its, and save the souls of men. But I will say, con­cern­ing this ques­tion of di­vorce­ment, that, while Moses looked with fa­vor upon such things, it was not so in the days of Adam and in the Gar­den.”

140:8.4Je­sus had great dif­fi­culty in get­ting them to un­der­stand his per­sonal prac­tice of non­re­sis­tance. He ab­so­lutely re­fused to de­fend him­self, and it ap­peared to the apos­tles that he would be pleased if they would pur­sue the same pol­icy. He taught them not to re­sist evil, not to com­bat in­jus­tice or in­jury, but he did not teach pas­sive tol­er­ance of wrong­do­ing. And he made it plain on this af­ter­noon that he ap­proved of the so­cial pun­ish­ment of evil­do­ers and crim­i­nals, and that the civil gov­ern­ment must some­times em­ploy force for the main­te­nance of so­cial or­der and in the ex­e­cu­tion of jus­tice.

140:8.5–8 · four paragraphs not cited here ·

140:8.5He never ceased to warn his dis­ci­ples against the evil prac­tice of re­tal­i­a­tion; he made no al­low­ance for re­venge, the idea of get­ting even. He de­plored the hold­ing of grudges. He dis­al­lowed the idea of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. He dis­coun­te­nanced the whole con­cept of pri­vate and per­sonal re­venge, as­sign­ing these mat­ters to civil gov­ern­ment, on the one hand, and to the judg­ment of God, on the other. He made it clear to the three that his teach­ings ap­plied to the in­di­vid­ual, not the state. He sum­ma­rized his in­struc­tions up to that time re­gard­ing these mat­ters, as:

140:8.6Love your en­e­mies—re­mem­ber the moral claims of hu­man broth­er­hood.

140:8.7The fu­til­ity of evil: A wrong is not righted by vengeance. Do not make the mis­take of fight­ing evil with its own weapons.

140:8.8Have faith—con­fi­dence in the even­tual tri­umph of di­vine jus­tice and eter­nal good­ness.

140:8.92. Po­lit­i­cal at­ti­tude. He cau­tioned his apos­tles to be dis­creet in their re­marks con­cern­ing the strained re­la­tions then ex­ist­ing be­tween the Jew­ish peo­ple and the Ro­man gov­ern­ment; he for­bade them to be­come in any way em­broiled in these dif­fi­cul­ties. He was al­ways care­ful to avoid the po­lit­i­cal snares of his en­e­mies, ever mak­ing re­ply, “Ren­der to Cae­sar the things which are Cae­sar’s and to God the things which are God’s.” He re­fused to have his at­ten­tion di­verted from his mis­sion of es­tab­lish­ing a new way of sal­va­tion; he would not per­mit him­self to be con­cerned about any­thing else. In his per­sonal life he was al­ways duly ob­ser­vant of all civil laws and reg­u­la­tions; in all his pub­lic teach­ings he ig­nored the civic, so­cial, and eco­nomic realms. He told the three apos­tles that he was con­cerned only with the prin­ci­ples of man’s in­ner and per­sonal spir­i­tual life.

140:8.10Je­sus was not, there­fore, a po­lit­i­cal re­former. He did not come to re­or­ga­nize the world; even if he had done this, it would have been ap­pli­ca­ble only to that day and gen­er­a­tion. Nev­er­the­less, he did show man the best way of liv­ing, and no gen­er­a­tion is ex­empt from the la­bor of dis­cov­er­ing how best to adapt Je­sus’ life to its own prob­lems. But never make the mis­take of iden­ti­fy­ing Je­sus’ teach­ings with any po­lit­i­cal or eco­nomic the­ory, with any so­cial or in­dus­trial sys­tem.

140:8.113. So­cial at­ti­tude. The Jew­ish rab­bis had long de­bated the ques­tion: Who is my neigh­bor? Je­sus came pre­sent­ing the idea of ac­tive and spon­ta­neous kind­ness, a love of one’s fel­low men so gen­uine that it ex­panded the neigh­bor­hood to in­clude the whole world, thereby mak­ing all men one’s neigh­bors. But with all this, Je­sus was in­ter­ested only in the in­di­vid­ual, not the mass. Je­sus was not a so­ci­ol­o­gist, but he did la­bor to break down all forms of self­ish iso­la­tion. He taught pure sym­pa­thy, com­pas­sion. Mi­chael of Neb­a­don is a mercy-dom­i­nated Son; com­pas­sion is his very na­ture.

140:8.12The Mas­ter did not say that men should never en­ter­tain their friends at meat, but he did say that his fol­low­ers should make feasts for the poor and the un­for­tu­nate. Je­sus had a firm sense of jus­tice, but it was al­ways tem­pered with mercy. He did not teach his apos­tles that they were to be im­posed upon by so­cial par­a­sites or pro­fes­sional alms-seek­ers. The near­est he came to mak­ing so­ci­o­log­i­cal pro­nounce­ments was to say, “Judge not, that you be not judged.”

140:8.13He made it clear that in­dis­crim­i­nate kind­ness may be blamed for many so­cial evils. The fol­low­ing day Je­sus def­i­nitely in­structed Ju­das that no apos­tolic funds were to be given out as alms ex­cept upon his re­quest or upon the joint pe­ti­tion of two of the apos­tles. In all these mat­ters it was the prac­tice of Je­sus al­ways to say, “Be as wise as ser­pents but as harm­less as doves.” It seemed to be his pur­pose in all so­cial sit­u­a­tions to teach pa­tience, tol­er­ance, and for­give­ness.

140:8.14The fam­ily oc­cu­pied the very cen­ter of Je­sus’ phi­los­o­phy of life—here and here­after. He based his teach­ings about God on the fam­ily, while he sought to cor­rect the Jew­ish ten­dency to over­honor an­ces­tors. He ex­alted fam­ily life as the high­est hu­man duty but made it plain that fam­ily re­la­tion­ships must not in­ter­fere with re­li­gious obli­ga­tions. He called at­ten­tion to the fact that the fam­ily is a tem­po­ral in­sti­tu­tion; that it does not sur­vive death. Je­sus did not hes­i­tate to give up his fam­ily when the fam­ily ran counter to the Fa­ther’s will. He taught the new and larger broth­er­hood of man—the sons of God. In Je­sus’ time di­vorce prac­tices were lax in Pales­tine and through­out the Ro­man Em­pire. He re­peat­edly re­fused to lay down laws re­gard­ing mar­riage and di­vorce, but many of Je­sus’ early fol­low­ers had strong opin­ions on di­vorce and did not hes­i­tate to at­trib­ute them to him. All of the New Tes­ta­ment writ­ers held to these more strin­gent and ad­vanced ideas about di­vorce ex­cept John Mark.

140:8.154. Eco­nomic at­ti­tude. Je­sus worked, lived, and traded in the world as he found it. He was not an eco­nomic re­former, al­though he did fre­quently call at­ten­tion to the in­jus­tice of the un­equal dis­tri­bu­tion of wealth. But he did not of­fer any sug­ges­tions by way of rem­edy. He made it plain to the three that, while his apos­tles were not to hold prop­erty, he was not preach­ing against wealth and prop­erty, merely its un­equal and un­fair dis­tri­bu­tion. He rec­og­nized the need for so­cial jus­tice and in­dus­trial fair­ness, but he of­fered no rules for their at­tain­ment.

140:8.16He never taught his fol­low­ers to avoid earthly pos­ses­sions, only his twelve apos­tles. Luke, the physi­cian, was a strong be­liever in so­cial equal­ity, and he did much to in­ter­pret Je­sus’ say­ings in har­mony with his per­sonal be­liefs. Je­sus never per­son­ally di­rected his fol­low­ers to adopt a com­mu­nal mode of life; he made no pro­nounce­ment of any sort re­gard­ing such mat­ters.

140:8.17Je­sus fre­quently warned his lis­ten­ers against cov­etous­ness, declar­ing that “a man’s hap­pi­ness con­sists not in the abun­dance of his ma­te­rial pos­ses­sions.” He con­stantly re­it­er­ated, “What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul?” He made no di­rect at­tack on the pos­ses­sion of prop­erty, but he did in­sist that it is eter­nally es­sen­tial that spir­i­tual val­ues come first. In his later teach­ings he sought to cor­rect many er­ro­neous Uran­tia views of life by nar­rat­ing nu­mer­ous para­bles which he pre­sented in the course of his pub­lic min­istry. Je­sus never in­tended to for­mu­late eco­nomic the­o­ries; he well knew that each age must evolve its own reme­dies for ex­ist­ing trou­bles. And if Je­sus were on earth to­day, liv­ing his life in the flesh, he would be a great dis­ap­point­ment to the ma­jor­ity of good men and women for the sim­ple rea­son that he would not take sides in pres­ent-day po­lit­i­cal, so­cial, or eco­nomic dis­putes. He would re­main grandly aloof while teach­ing you how to per­fect your in­ner spir­i­tual life so as to ren­der you many­fold more com­pe­tent to at­tack the so­lu­tion of your purely hu­man prob­lems.

140:8.18Je­sus would make all men God­like and then stand by sym­pa­thet­i­cally while these sons of God solve their own po­lit­i­cal, so­cial, and eco­nomic prob­lems. It was not wealth that he de­nounced, but what wealth does to the ma­jor­ity of its devo­tees. On this Thurs­day af­ter­noon Je­sus first told his as­so­ciates that “it is more blessed to give than to re­ceive.”

140:8.195. Per­sonal re­li­gion. You, as did his apos­tles, should the bet­ter un­der­stand Je­sus’ teach­ings by his life. He lived a per­fected life on Uran­tia, and his unique teach­ings can only be un­der­stood when that life is vi­su­al­ized in its im­me­di­ate back­ground. It is his life, and not his lessons to the twelve or his ser­mons to the mul­ti­tudes, that will as­sist most in re­veal­ing the Fa­ther’s di­vine char­ac­ter and lov­ing per­son­al­ity.

140:8.20Je­sus did not at­tack the teach­ings of the He­brew proph­ets or the Greek moral­ists. The Mas­ter rec­og­nized the many good things which these great teach­ers stood for, but he had come down to earth to teach some­thing ad­di­tional, “the vol­un­tary con­for­mity of man’s will to God’s will.” Je­sus did not want sim­ply to pro­duce a re­li­gious man, a mor­tal wholly oc­cu­pied with re­li­gious feel­ings and ac­tu­ated only by spir­i­tual im­pulses. Could you have had but one look at him, you would have known that Je­sus was a real man of great ex­pe­ri­ence in the things of this world. The teach­ings of Je­sus in this re­spect have been grossly per­verted and much mis­rep­re­sented all down through the cen­turies of the Chris­tian era; you have also held per­verted ideas about the Mas­ter’s meek­ness and hu­mil­ity. What he aimed at in his life ap­pears to have been a su­perb self-re­spect. He only ad­vised man to hum­ble him­self that he might be­come truly ex­alted; what he re­ally aimed at was true hu­mil­ity to­ward God. He placed great value upon sin­cer­ity—a pure heart. Fi­delity was a car­di­nal virtue in his es­ti­mate of char­ac­ter, while cour­age was the very heart of his teach­ings. “Fear not” was his watch­word, and pa­tient en­durance his ideal of strength of char­ac­ter. The teach­ings of Je­sus con­sti­tute a re­li­gion of valor, cour­age, and hero­ism. And this is just why he chose as his per­sonal rep­re­sen­ta­tives twelve com­mon­place men, the ma­jor­ity of whom were rugged, vir­ile, and manly fish­er­men.

140:8.21Je­sus had lit­tle to say about the so­cial vices of his day; sel­dom did he make ref­er­ence to moral delin­quency. He was a pos­i­tive teacher of true virtue. He stu­diously avoided the neg­a­tive method of im­part­ing in­struc­tion; he re­fused to ad­ver­tise evil. He was not even a moral re­former. He well knew, and so taught his apos­tles, that the sen­sual urges of man­kind are not sup­pressed by ei­ther re­li­gious re­buke or le­gal pro­hi­bi­tions. His few de­nun­ci­a­tions were largely di­rected against pride, cru­elty, op­pres­sion, and hypocrisy.

140:8.22Je­sus did not ve­he­mently de­nounce even the Phar­isees, as did John. He knew many of the scribes and Phar­isees were hon­est of heart; he un­der­stood their en­slav­ing bond­age to re­li­gious tra­di­tions. Je­sus laid great em­pha­sis on “first mak­ing the tree good.” He im­pressed the three that he val­ued the whole life, not just a cer­tain few spe­cial virtues.

140:8.23The one thing which John gained from this day’s teach­ing was that the heart of Je­sus’ re­li­gion con­sisted in the ac­quire­ment of a com­pas­sion­ate char­ac­ter cou­pled with a per­son­al­ity mo­ti­vated to do the will of the Fa­ther in heaven.

140:8.24Pe­ter grasped the idea that the gospel they were about to pro­claim was re­ally a fresh be­gin­ning for the whole hu­man race. He con­veyed this im­pres­sion sub­se­quently to Paul, who for­mu­lated there­from his doc­trine of Christ as “the sec­ond Adam.”

140:8.25James grasped the thrilling truth that Je­sus wanted his chil­dren on earth to live as though they were al­ready cit­i­zens of the com­pleted heav­enly king­dom.

140:8.26Je­sus knew men were dif­fer­ent, and he so taught his apos­tles. He con­stantly ex­horted them to re­frain from try­ing to mold the dis­ci­ples and be­liev­ers ac­cord­ing to some set pat­tern. He sought to al­low each soul to de­velop in its own way, a per­fect­ing and sep­a­rate in­di­vid­ual be­fore God. In an­swer to one of Pe­ter’s many ques­tions, the Mas­ter said: “I want to set men free so that they can start out afresh as lit­tle chil­dren upon the new and bet­ter life.” Je­sus al­ways in­sisted that true good­ness must be un­con­scious, in be­stow­ing char­ity not al­low­ing the left hand to know what the right hand does.

140:8.27The three apos­tles were shocked this af­ter­noon when they re­al­ized that their Mas­ter’s re­li­gion made no pro­vi­sion for spir­i­tual self-ex­am­i­na­tion. All re­li­gions be­fore and af­ter the times of Je­sus, even Chris­tian­ity, care­fully pro­vide for con­sci­en­tious self-ex­am­i­na­tion. But not so with the re­li­gion of Je­sus of Naz­a­reth. Je­sus’ phi­los­o­phy of life is with­out re­li­gious in­tro­spec­tion. The car­pen­ter’s son never taught char­ac­ter build­ing; he taught char­ac­ter growth, declar­ing that the king­dom of heaven is like a mus­tard seed. But Je­sus said noth­ing which would pro­scribe self-anal­y­sis as a pre­ven­tion of con­ceited ego­tism.

140:8.28The right to en­ter the king­dom is con­di­tioned by faith, per­sonal be­lief. The cost of re­main­ing in the pro­gres­sive as­cent of the king­dom is the pearl of great price, in or­der to pos­sess which a man sells all that he has.

140:8.29The teach­ing of Je­sus is a re­li­gion for ev­ery­body, not alone for weak­lings and slaves. His re­li­gion never be­came crys­tal­lized (dur­ing his day) into creeds and the­o­log­i­cal laws; he left not a line of writ­ing be­hind him. His life and teach­ings were be­queathed the uni­verse as an in­spi­ra­tional and ide­al­is­tic in­her­i­tance suit­able for the spir­i­tual guid­ance and moral in­struc­tion of all ages on all worlds. And even to­day, Je­sus’ teach­ing stands apart from all re­li­gions, as such, al­beit it is the liv­ing hope of ev­ery one of them.

140:8.30Je­sus did not teach his apos­tles that re­li­gion is man’s only earthly pur­suit; that was the Jew­ish idea of serv­ing God. But he did in­sist that re­li­gion was the ex­clu­sive busi­ness of the twelve. Je­sus taught noth­ing to de­ter his be­liev­ers from the pur­suit of gen­uine cul­ture; he only de­tracted from the tra­di­tion-bound re­li­gious schools of Je­ru­sa­lem. He was lib­eral, big-hearted, learned, and tol­er­ant. Self-con­scious piety had no place in his phi­los­o­phy of righ­teous liv­ing.

140:8.31The Mas­ter of­fered no so­lu­tions for the non­re­li­gious prob­lems of his own age nor for any sub­se­quent age. Je­sus wished to de­velop spir­i­tual in­sight into eter­nal re­al­i­ties and to stim­u­late ini­tia­tive in the orig­i­nal­ity of liv­ing; he con­cerned him­self ex­clu­sively with the un­der­ly­ing and per­ma­nent spir­i­tual needs of the hu­man race. He re­vealed a good­ness equal to God. He ex­alted love—truth, beauty, and good­ness—as the di­vine ideal and the eter­nal re­al­ity.

140:10.6This new re­li­gion of Je­sus was not with­out its prac­ti­cal im­pli­ca­tions, but what­ever of prac­ti­cal po­lit­i­cal, so­cial, or eco­nomic value there is to be found in his teach­ing is the nat­u­ral out­work­ing of this in­ner ex­pe­ri­ence of the soul as it man­i­fests the fruits of the spirit in the spon­ta­neous daily min­istry of gen­uine per­sonal re­li­gious ex­pe­ri­ence.

142:7.17Je­sus replied: “Thomas, Thomas, how long be­fore you will ac­quire the abil­ity to lis­ten with the ear of the spirit? How long will it be be­fore you dis­cern that this king­dom is a spir­i­tual king­dom, and that my Fa­ther is also a spir­i­tual be­ing? Do you not un­der­stand that I am teach­ing you as spir­i­tual chil­dren in the spirit fam­ily of heaven, of which the fa­ther­head is an in­fi­nite and eter­nal spirit? Will you not al­low me to use the earth fam­ily as an il­lus­tra­tion of di­vine re­la­tion­ships with­out so lit­er­ally ap­ply­ing my teach­ing to ma­te­rial af­fairs? In your minds can­not you sep­a­rate the spir­i­tual re­al­i­ties of the king­dom from the ma­te­rial, so­cial, eco­nomic, and po­lit­i­cal prob­lems of the age? When I speak the lan­guage of the spirit, why do you in­sist on trans­lat­ing my mean­ing into the lan­guage of the flesh just be­cause I pre­sume to em­ploy com­mon­place and lit­eral re­la­tion­ships for pur­poses of il­lus­tra­tion? My chil­dren, I im­plore that you cease to ap­ply the teach­ing of the king­dom of the spirit to the sor­did af­fairs of slav­ery, pov­erty, houses, and lands, and to the ma­te­rial prob­lems of hu­man eq­uity and jus­tice. These tem­po­ral mat­ters are the con­cern of the men of this world, and while in a way they af­fect all men, you have been called to rep­re­sent me in the world, even as I rep­re­sent my Fa­ther. You are spir­i­tual am­bas­sadors of a spir­i­tual king­dom, spe­cial rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the spirit Fa­ther. By this time it should be pos­si­ble for me to in­struct you as full-grown men of the spirit king­dom. Must I ever ad­dress you only as chil­dren? Will you never grow up in spirit per­cep­tion? Nev­er­the­less, I love you and will bear with you, even to the very end of our as­so­ci­a­tion in the flesh. And even then shall my spirit go be­fore you into all the world.”

152:6.2While Je­sus and the twelve were rest­ing at Gen­nesaret, the mul­ti­tudes dis­persed, some go­ing to their homes, oth­ers go­ing on up to Je­ru­sa­lem for the Pass­over. In less than one month’s time the en­thu­si­as­tic and open fol­low­ers of Je­sus, who num­bered more than fifty thou­sand in Gal­i­lee alone, shrank to less than five hun­dred. Je­sus de­sired to give his apos­tles such an ex­pe­ri­ence with the fick­le­ness of pop­u­lar ac­claim that they would not be tempted to rely on such man­i­fes­ta­tions of tran­sient re­li­gious hys­te­ria af­ter he should leave them alone in the work of the king­dom, but he was only par­tially suc­cess­ful in this ef­fort.

152:6.3The sec­ond night of their so­journ at Gen­nesaret the Mas­ter again told the apos­tles the para­ble of the sower and added these words: “You see, my chil­dren, the ap­peal to hu­man feel­ings is tran­si­tory and ut­terly dis­ap­point­ing; the ex­clu­sive ap­peal to the in­tel­lect of man is like­wise empty and bar­ren; it is only by mak­ing your ap­peal to the spirit which lives within the hu­man mind that you can hope to achieve last­ing suc­cess and ac­com­plish those mar­velous trans­for­ma­tions of hu­man char­ac­ter that are pres­ently shown in the abun­dant yield­ing of the gen­uine fruits of the spirit in the daily lives of all who are thus de­liv­ered from the dark­ness of doubt by the birth of the spirit into the light of faith—the king­dom of heaven.”

152:6.4Je­sus taught the ap­peal to the emo­tions as the tech­nique of ar­rest­ing and fo­cus­ing the in­tel­lec­tual at­ten­tion. He des­ig­nated the mind thus aroused and quick­ened as the gate­way to the soul, where there re­sides that spir­i­tual na­ture of man which must rec­og­nize truth and re­spond to the spir­i­tual ap­peal of the gospel in or­der to af­ford the per­ma­nent re­sults of true char­ac­ter trans­for­ma­tions.

156:5.16Are your ide­als suf­fi­ciently high to in­sure your eter­nal sal­va­tion while your ideas are so prac­ti­cal as to ren­der you a use­ful cit­i­zen to func­tion on earth in as­so­ci­a­tion with your mor­tal fel­lows? In the spirit, your cit­i­zen­ship is in heaven; in the flesh, you are still cit­i­zens of the earth king­doms. Ren­der to the Cae­sars the things which are ma­te­rial and to God those which are spir­i­tual.

157:1.2Now Pe­ter had spo­ken hastily. Ju­das car­ried their funds, and he was across the lake. Nei­ther he, his brother, nor Je­sus had brought along any money. And know­ing that the Phar­isees were look­ing for them, they could not well go to Beth­saida to ob­tain money. When Pe­ter told Je­sus about the col­lec­tor and that he had prom­ised him the money, Je­sus said: “If you have prom­ised, then should you pay. But where­with will you re­deem your prom­ise? Will you again be­come a fish­er­man that you may honor your word? Nev­er­the­less, Pe­ter, it is well in the cir­cum­stances that we pay the tax. Let us give these men no oc­ca­sion for of­fense at our at­ti­tude. We will wait here while you go with the boat and cast for the fish, and when you have sold them at yon­der mar­ket, pay the col­lec­tor for all three of us.”

157:1.3 · one paragraph not cited here ·

157:1.3All of this had been over­heard by the se­cret mes­sen­ger of David who stood near by, and who then sig­naled to an as­so­ciate, fish­ing near the shore, to come in quickly. When Pe­ter made ready to go out in the boat for a catch, this mes­sen­ger and his fish­er­man friend pre­sented him with sev­eral large bas­kets of fish and as­sisted him in car­ry­ing them to the fish mer­chant near by, who pur­chased the catch, pay­ing suf­fi­cient, with what was added by the mes­sen­ger of David, to meet the tem­ple tax for the three. The col­lec­tor ac­cepted the tax, for­go­ing the penalty for tardy pay­ment be­cause they had been for some time ab­sent from Gal­i­lee.

157:1.4It is not strange that you have a rec­ord of Pe­ter’s catch­ing a fish with a shekel in its mouth. In those days there were cur­rent many sto­ries about find­ing trea­sures in the mouths of fishes; such tales of near mir­a­cles were com­mon­place. So, as Pe­ter left them to go to­ward the boat, Je­sus re­marked, half-hu­mor­ously: “Strange that the sons of the king must pay trib­ute; usu­ally it is the stranger who is taxed for the up­keep of the court, but it be­hooves us to af­ford no stum­bling block for the au­thor­i­ties. Go hence! maybe you will catch the fish with the shekel in its mouth.” Je­sus hav­ing thus spo­ken, and Pe­ter so soon ap­pear­ing with the tem­ple tax, it is not sur­pris­ing that the episode be­came later ex­panded into a mir­a­cle as re­corded by the writer of Mat­thew’s Gospel.

159:3.2Al­ways re­spect the per­son­al­ity of man. Never should a righ­teous cause be pro­moted by force; spir­i­tual vic­to­ries can be won only by spir­i­tual power. This in­junc­tion against the em­ploy­ment of ma­te­rial in­flu­ences refers to psy­chic force as well as to phys­i­cal force. Over­pow­er­ing ar­gu­ments and men­tal su­pe­ri­or­ity are not to be em­ployed to co­erce men and women into the king­dom. Man’s mind is not to be crushed by the mere weight of logic or over­awed by shrewd elo­quence. While emo­tion as a fac­tor in hu­man de­ci­sions can­not be wholly elim­i­nated, it should not be di­rectly ap­pealed to in the teach­ings of those who would ad­vance the cause of the king­dom. Make your ap­peals di­rectly to the di­vine spirit that dwells within the minds of men. Do not ap­peal to fear, pity, or mere sen­ti­ment. In ap­peal­ing to men, be fair; ex­er­cise self-con­trol and ex­hibit due re­straint; show proper re­spect for the per­son­al­i­ties of your pupils. Re­mem­ber that I have said: “Be­hold, I stand at the door and knock, and if any man will open, I will come in.”

167:5.6It was very dif­fi­cult for the apos­tles to un­der­stand the Mas­ter’s re­luc­tance to make pos­i­tive pro­nounce­ments rel­a­tive to sci­en­tific, so­cial, eco­nomic, and po­lit­i­cal prob­lems. They did not fully re­al­ize that his earth mis­sion was ex­clu­sively con­cerned with rev­e­la­tions of spir­i­tual and re­li­gious truths.

174:2.2Tues­day morn­ing, when Je­sus ar­rived in the tem­ple court and be­gan to teach, he had ut­tered but few words when a group of the younger stu­dents from the academies, who had been re­hearsed for this pur­pose, came for­ward and by their spokesman ad­dressed Je­sus: “Mas­ter, we know you are a righ­teous teacher, and we know that you pro­claim the ways of truth, and that you serve only God, for you fear no man, and that you are no re­specter of per­sons. We are only stu­dents, and we would know the truth about a mat­ter which trou­bles us; our dif­fi­culty is this: Is it law­ful for us to give trib­ute to Cae­sar? Shall we give or shall we not give?” Je­sus, per­ceiv­ing their hypocrisy and crafti­ness, said to them: “Why do you thus come to tempt me? Show me the trib­ute money, and I will an­swer you.” And when they handed him a denar­ius, he looked at it and said, “Whose im­age and super­scrip­tion does this coin bear?” And when they an­swered him, “Cae­sar’s,” Je­sus said, “Ren­der to Cae­sar the things that are Cae­sar’s and ren­der to God the things that are God’s.”

175:1.8“This af­ter­noon my apos­tles stand here be­fore you in si­lence, but you shall soon hear their voices ring­ing out with the call to sal­va­tion and with the urge to unite with the heav­enly king­dom as the sons of the liv­ing God. And now I call to wit­ness these, my dis­ci­ples and be­liev­ers in the gospel of the king­dom, as well as the un­seen mes­sen­gers by their sides, that I have once more of­fered Is­rael and her rulers de­liv­er­ance and sal­va­tion. But you all be­hold how the Fa­ther’s mercy is slighted and how the mes­sen­gers of truth are re­jected. Nev­er­the­less, I ad­mon­ish you that these scribes and Phar­isees still sit in Moses’ seat, and there­fore, un­til the Most Highs who rule in the king­doms of men shall fi­nally over­throw this na­tion and de­stroy the place of these rulers, I bid you co-op­er­ate with these el­ders in Is­rael. You are not re­quired to unite with them in their plans to de­stroy the Son of Man, but in ev­ery­thing re­lated to the peace of Is­rael you are to be sub­ject to them. In all these mat­ters do what­so­ever they bid you and ob­serve the es­sen­tials of the law but do not pat­tern af­ter their evil works. Re­mem­ber, this is the sin of these rulers: They say that which is good, but they do it not. You well know how these lead­ers bind heavy bur­dens on your shoul­ders, bur­dens griev­ous to bear, and that they will not lift as much as one fin­ger to help you bear these weighty bur­dens. They have op­pressed you with cer­e­monies and en­slaved you by tra­di­tions.

175:3.2From this time on the Jews were left to fin­ish their brief and short lease of na­tional life wholly in ac­cor­dance with their purely hu­man sta­tus among the na­tions of Uran­tia. Is­rael had re­pu­di­ated the Son of the God who made a covenant with Abra­ham, and the plan to make the chil­dren of Abra­ham the light-bear­ers of truth to the world had been shat­tered. The di­vine covenant had been ab­ro­gated, and the end of the He­brew na­tion drew on apace.

176:1.1In an­swer­ing Na­than­iel’s ques­tion, Je­sus said: “Yes, I will tell you about the times when this peo­ple shall have filled up the cup of their in­iq­uity; when jus­tice shall swiftly de­scend upon this city of our fa­thers. I am about to leave you; I go to the Fa­ther. Af­ter I leave you, take heed that no man de­ceive you, for many will come as de­liv­er­ers and will lead many astray. When you hear of wars and ru­mors of wars, be not trou­bled, for though all these things will hap­pen, the end of Je­ru­sa­lem is not yet at hand. You should not be per­turbed by famines or earth­quakes; nei­ther should you be con­cerned when you are de­liv­ered up to the civil au­thor­i­ties and are per­se­cuted for the sake of the gospel. You will be thrown out of the syn­a­gogue and put in prison for my sake, and some of you will be killed. When you are brought up be­fore gov­er­nors and rulers, it shall be for a tes­ti­mony of your faith and to show your stead­fast­ness in the gospel of the king­dom. And when you stand be­fore judges, be not anx­ious be­fore­hand as to what you should say, for the spirit will teach you in that very hour what you should an­swer your ad­ver­saries. In these days of tra­vail, even your own kins­folk, un­der the lead­er­ship of those who have re­jected the Son of Man, will de­liver you up to prison and death. For a time you may be hated by all men for my sake, but even in these per­se­cu­tions I will not for­sake you; my spirit will not desert you. Be pa­tient! doubt not that this gospel of the king­dom will tri­umph over all en­e­mies and, even­tu­ally, be pro­claimed to all na­tions.”

177:3.7While all of this was go­ing on at the camp, in Je­ru­sa­lem the chief priests and el­ders were amazed that Je­sus did not re­turn to ad­dress the mul­ti­tudes. True, the day be­fore, when he left the tem­ple, he had said, “I leave your house to you des­o­late.” But they could not un­der­stand why he would be will­ing to forgo the great ad­van­tage which he had built up in the friendly at­ti­tude of the crowds. While they feared he would stir up a tu­mult among the peo­ple, the Mas­ter’s last words to the mul­ti­tude had been an ex­hor­ta­tion to con­form in ev­ery rea­son­able man­ner with the au­thor­ity of those “who sit in Moses’ seat.” But it was a busy day in the city as they si­mul­ta­ne­ously pre­pared for the Pass­over and per­fected their plans for de­stroy­ing Je­sus.

178:1.1Je­sus talked to about fifty of his trusted fol­low­ers for al­most two hours and an­swered a score of ques­tions re­gard­ing the re­la­tion of the king­dom of heaven to the king­doms of this world, con­cern­ing the re­la­tion of son­ship with God to cit­i­zen­ship in earthly gov­ern­ments. This dis­course, to­gether with his an­swers to ques­tions, may be sum­ma­rized and re­stated in mod­ern lan­guage as fol­lows:

178:1.2The king­doms of this world, be­ing ma­te­rial, may of­ten find it nec­es­sary to em­ploy phys­i­cal force in the ex­e­cu­tion of their laws and for the main­te­nance of or­der. In the king­dom of heaven true be­liev­ers will not re­sort to the em­ploy­ment of phys­i­cal force. The king­dom of heaven, be­ing a spir­i­tual broth­er­hood of the spirit-born sons of God, may be pro­mul­gated only by the power of the spirit. This dis­tinc­tion of pro­ce­dure refers to the re­la­tions of the king­dom of be­liev­ers to the king­doms of sec­u­lar gov­ern­ment and does not nul­lify the right of so­cial groups of be­liev­ers to main­tain or­der in their ranks and ad­min­is­ter dis­ci­pline upon un­ruly and un­wor­thy mem­bers.

178:1.3There is noth­ing in­com­pat­i­ble be­tween son­ship in the spir­i­tual king­dom and cit­i­zen­ship in the sec­u­lar or civil gov­ern­ment. It is the be­liever’s duty to ren­der to Cae­sar the things which are Cae­sar’s and to God the things which are God’s. There can­not be any dis­agree­ment be­tween these two re­quire­ments, the one be­ing ma­te­rial and the other spir­i­tual, un­less it should de­velop that a Cae­sar pre­sumes to usurp the pre­rog­a­tives of God and de­mand that spir­i­tual homage and su­preme wor­ship be ren­dered to him. In such a case you shall wor­ship only God while you seek to en­lighten such mis­guided earthly rulers and in this way lead them also to the rec­og­ni­tion of the Fa­ther in heaven. You shall not ren­der spir­i­tual wor­ship to earthly rulers; nei­ther should you em­ploy the phys­i­cal forces of earthly gov­ern­ments, whose rulers may some­time be­come be­liev­ers, in the work of fur­ther­ing the mis­sion of the spir­i­tual king­dom.

178:1.4Son­ship in the king­dom, from the stand­point of ad­vanc­ing civ­i­liza­tion, should as­sist you in be­com­ing the ideal cit­i­zens of the king­doms of this world since broth­er­hood and ser­vice are the cor­ner­stones of the gospel of the king­dom. The love call of the spir­i­tual king­dom should prove to be the ef­fec­tive de­stroyer of the hate urge of the un­be­liev­ing and war-minded cit­i­zens of the earthly king­doms. But these ma­te­rial-minded sons in dark­ness will never know of your spir­i­tual light of truth un­less you draw very near them with that un­selfish so­cial ser­vice which is the nat­u­ral out­growth of the bear­ing of the fruits of the spirit in the life ex­pe­ri­ence of each in­di­vid­ual be­liever.

178:1.5As mor­tal and ma­te­rial men, you are in­deed cit­i­zens of the earthly king­doms, and you should be good cit­i­zens, all the bet­ter for hav­ing be­come re­born spirit sons of the heav­enly king­dom. As faith-en­light­ened and spirit-lib­er­ated sons of the king­dom of heaven, you face a dou­ble re­spon­si­bil­ity of duty to man and duty to God while you vol­un­tar­ily as­sume a third and sa­cred obli­ga­tion: ser­vice to the broth­er­hood of God-know­ing be­liev­ers.

178:1.6You may not wor­ship your tem­po­ral rulers, and you should not em­ploy tem­po­ral power in the fur­ther­ance of the spir­i­tual king­dom; but you should man­i­fest the righ­teous min­istry of lov­ing ser­vice to be­liev­ers and un­be­liev­ers alike. In the gospel of the king­dom there re­sides the mighty Spirit of Truth, and pres­ently I will pour out this same spirit upon all flesh. The fruits of the spirit, your sin­cere and lov­ing ser­vice, are the mighty so­cial lever to up­lift the races of dark­ness, and this Spirit of Truth will be­come your power-mul­ti­ply­ing ful­crum.

178:1.7Dis­play wis­dom and ex­hibit sagac­ity in your deal­ings with un­be­liev­ing civil rulers. By dis­cre­tion show your­selves to be ex­pert in iron­ing out mi­nor dis­agree­ments and in ad­just­ing tri­fling mis­un­der­stand­ings. In ev­ery pos­si­ble way—in ev­ery­thing short of your spir­i­tual al­le­giance to the rulers of the uni­verse—seek to live peace­ably with all men. Be you al­ways as wise as ser­pents but as harm­less as doves.

178:1.8You should be made all the bet­ter cit­i­zens of the sec­u­lar gov­ern­ment as a re­sult of be­com­ing en­light­ened sons of the king­dom; so should the rulers of earthly gov­ern­ments be­come all the bet­ter rulers in civil af­fairs as a re­sult of be­liev­ing this gospel of the heav­enly king­dom. The at­ti­tude of un­selfish ser­vice of man and in­tel­li­gent wor­ship of God should make all king­dom be­liev­ers bet­ter world cit­i­zens, while the at­ti­tude of hon­est cit­i­zen­ship and sin­cere de­vo­tion to one’s tem­po­ral duty should help to make such a cit­i­zen the more eas­ily reached by the spirit call to son­ship in the heav­enly king­dom.

178:1.9So long as the rulers of earthly gov­ern­ments seek to ex­er­cise the au­thor­ity of re­li­gious dic­ta­tors, you who be­lieve this gospel can ex­pect only trou­ble, per­se­cu­tion, and even death. But the very light which you bear to the world, and even the very man­ner in which you will suf­fer and die for this gospel of the king­dom, will, in them­selves, even­tu­ally en­lighten the whole world and re­sult in the grad­ual di­vorce­ment of pol­i­tics and re­li­gion. The per­sis­tent preach­ing of this gospel of the king­dom will some day bring to all na­tions a new and un­be­liev­able lib­er­a­tion, in­tel­lec­tual free­dom, and re­li­gious lib­erty.

178:1.10Un­der the soon-com­ing per­se­cu­tions by those who hate this gospel of joy and lib­erty, you will thrive and the king­dom will pros­per. But you will stand in grave dan­ger in sub­se­quent times when most men will speak well of king­dom be­liev­ers and many in high places nom­i­nally ac­cept the gospel of the heav­enly king­dom. Learn to be faith­ful to the king­dom even in times of peace and pros­per­ity. Tempt not the an­gels of your super­vi­sion to lead you in trou­blous ways as a lov­ing dis­ci­pline de­signed to save your ease-drift­ing souls.

178:1.11Re­mem­ber that you are com­mis­sioned to preach this gospel of the king­dom—the su­preme de­sire to do the Fa­ther’s will cou­pled with the su­preme joy of the faith re­al­iza­tion of son­ship with God—and you must not al­low any­thing to di­vert your de­vo­tion to this one duty. Let all man­kind ben­e­fit from the over­flow of your lov­ing spir­i­tual min­istry, en­light­en­ing in­tel­lec­tual com­mu­nion, and up­lift­ing so­cial ser­vice; but none of these hu­man­i­tar­ian labors, nor all of them, should be per­mit­ted to take the place of pro­claim­ing the gospel. These mighty min­is­tra­tions are the so­cial by-prod­ucts of the still more mighty and sub­lime min­is­tra­tions and trans­for­ma­tions wrought in the heart of the king­dom be­liever by the liv­ing Spirit of Truth and by the per­sonal re­al­iza­tion that the faith of a spirit-born man con­fers the as­sur­ance of liv­ing fel­low­ship with the eter­nal God.

178:1.12You must not seek to pro­mul­gate truth nor to es­tab­lish righ­teous­ness by the power of civil gov­ern­ments or by the en­ac­tion of sec­u­lar laws. You may al­ways la­bor to per­suade men’s minds, but you must never dare to com­pel them. You must not for­get the great law of hu­man fair­ness which I have taught you in pos­i­tive form: What­so­ever you would that men should do to you, do even so to them.

178:1.13When a king­dom be­liever is called upon to serve the civil gov­ern­ment, let him ren­der such ser­vice as a tem­po­ral cit­i­zen of such a gov­ern­ment, al­beit such a be­liever should dis­play in his civil ser­vice all of the or­di­nary traits of cit­i­zen­ship as these have been en­hanced by the spir­i­tual en­light­en­ment of the en­nobling as­so­ci­a­tion of the mind of mor­tal man with the in­dwelling spirit of the eter­nal God. If the un­be­liever can qual­ify as a su­pe­rior civil ser­vant, you should se­ri­ously ques­tion whether the roots of truth in your heart have not died from the lack of the liv­ing wa­ters of com­bined spir­i­tual com­mu­nion and so­cial ser­vice. The con­scious­ness of son­ship with God should quicken the en­tire life ser­vice of ev­ery man, woman, and child who has be­come the pos­ses­sor of such a mighty stim­u­lus to all the in­her­ent pow­ers of a hu­man per­son­al­ity.

178:1.14You are not to be pas­sive mys­tics or col­or­less as­cetics; you should not be­come dream­ers and drifters, supinely trust­ing in a fic­ti­tious Prov­i­dence to pro­vide even the ne­ces­si­ties of life. You are in­deed to be gen­tle in your deal­ings with erring mor­tals, pa­tient in your in­ter­course with ig­no­rant men, and for­bear­ing un­der provo­ca­tion; but you are also to be valiant in de­fense of righ­teous­ness, mighty in the pro­mul­ga­tion of truth, and ag­gres­sive in the preach­ing of this gospel of the king­dom, even to the ends of the earth.

178:1.15This gospel of the king­dom is a liv­ing truth. I have told you it is like the leaven in the dough, like the grain of mus­tard seed; and now I de­clare that it is like the seed of the liv­ing be­ing, which, from gen­er­a­tion to gen­er­a­tion, while it re­mains the same liv­ing seed, un­fail­ingly un­folds it­self in new man­i­fes­ta­tions and grows ac­cept­ably in chan­nels of new adap­ta­tion to the pe­cu­liar needs and con­di­tions of each suc­ces­sive gen­er­a­tion. The rev­e­la­tion I have made to you is a liv­ing rev­e­la­tion, and I de­sire that it shall bear ap­pro­pri­ate fruits in each in­di­vid­ual and in each gen­er­a­tion in ac­cor­dance with the laws of spir­i­tual growth, in­crease, and adap­ta­tive de­vel­op­ment. From gen­er­a­tion to gen­er­a­tion this gospel must show in­creas­ing vi­tal­ity and ex­hibit greater depth of spir­i­tual power. It must not be per­mit­ted to be­come merely a sa­cred mem­ory, a mere tra­di­tion about me and the times in which we now live.

178:1.16And for­get not: We have made no di­rect at­tack upon the per­sons or upon the au­thor­ity of those who sit in Moses’ seat; we only of­fered them the new light, which they have so vig­or­ously re­jected. We have as­sailed them only by the de­nun­ci­a­tion of their spir­i­tual dis­loy­alty to the very truths which they pro­fess to teach and safe­guard. We clashed with these es­tab­lished lead­ers and rec­og­nized rulers only when they threw them­selves di­rectly in the way of the preach­ing of the gospel of the king­dom to the sons of men. And even now, it is not we who as­sail them, but they who seek our de­struc­tion. Do not for­get that you are com­mis­sioned to go forth preach­ing only the good news. You are not to at­tack the old ways; you are skill­fully to put the leaven of new truth in the midst of the old be­liefs. Let the Spirit of Truth do his own work. Let con­tro­versy come only when they who de­spise the truth force it upon you. But when the will­ful un­be­liever at­tacks you, do not hes­i­tate to stand in vig­or­ous de­fense of the truth which has saved and sanc­ti­fied you.

178:1.17Through­out the vi­cis­si­tudes of life, re­mem­ber al­ways to love one an­other. Do not strive with men, even with un­be­liev­ers. Show mercy even to those who de­spite­fully abuse you. Show your­selves to be loyal cit­i­zens, up­right ar­ti­sans, praise­wor­thy neigh­bors, de­voted kins­men, un­der­stand­ing par­ents, and sin­cere be­liev­ers in the broth­er­hood of the Fa­ther’s king­dom. And my spirit shall be upon you, now and even to the end of the world.

178:1.18When Je­sus had con­cluded his teach­ing, it was al­most one o’clock, and they im­me­di­ately went back to the camp, where David and his as­so­ciates had lunch ready for them.

181:2.10Si­mon wanted to speak fur­ther, but Je­sus raised his hand and, stop­ping him, went on to say: “None of my apos­tles are more sin­cere and hon­est at heart than you, but not one of them will be so up­set and dis­heart­ened as you, af­ter my de­par­ture. In all of your dis­cour­age­ment my spirit shall abide with you, and these, your breth­ren, will not for­sake you. Do not for­get what I have taught you re­gard­ing the re­la­tion of cit­i­zen­ship on earth to son­ship in the Fa­ther’s spir­i­tual king­dom. Pon­der well all that I have said to you about ren­der­ing to Cae­sar the things which are Cae­sar’s and to God that which is God’s. Ded­i­cate your life, Si­mon, to show­ing how ac­cept­ably mor­tal man may ful­fill my in­junc­tion con­cern­ing the si­mul­ta­ne­ous rec­og­ni­tion of tem­po­ral duty to civil pow­ers and spir­i­tual ser­vice in the broth­er­hood of the king­dom. If you will be taught by the Spirit of Truth, never will there be con­flict be­tween the re­quire­ments of cit­i­zen­ship on earth and son­ship in heaven un­less the tem­po­ral rulers pre­sume to re­quire of you the homage and wor­ship which be­long only to God.

194:3.9The man­i­fes­ta­tions as­so­ci­ated with the be­stowal of the “new teacher,” and the re­cep­tion of the apos­tles’ preach­ing by the men of var­i­ous races and na­tions gath­ered to­gether at Je­ru­sa­lem, in­di­cate the uni­ver­sal­ity of the re­li­gion of Je­sus. The gospel of the king­dom was to be iden­ti­fied with no par­tic­u­lar race, cul­ture, or lan­guage. This day of Pen­te­cost wit­nessed the great ef­fort of the spirit to lib­er­ate the re­li­gion of Je­sus from its in­her­ited Jew­ish fet­ters. Even af­ter this dem­on­stra­tion of pour­ing out the spirit upon all flesh, the apos­tles at first en­deav­ored to im­pose the re­quire­ments of Ju­daism upon their con­verts. Even Paul had trou­ble with his Je­ru­sa­lem breth­ren be­cause he re­fused to sub­ject the gen­tiles to these Jew­ish prac­tices. No re­vealed re­li­gion can spread to all the world when it makes the se­ri­ous mis­take of be­com­ing per­me­ated with some na­tional cul­ture or as­so­ci­ated with es­tab­lished racial, so­cial, or eco­nomic prac­tices.

195:3.8The spir­i­tual im­pe­tus of nom­i­nally ac­cept­ing Hel­le­nized Chris­tian­ity came to Rome too late to pre­vent the well-started moral de­cline or to com­pen­sate for the al­ready well-es­tab­lished and in­creas­ing racial de­te­ri­o­ra­tion. This new re­li­gion was a cul­tural ne­ces­sity for im­pe­rial Rome, and it is ex­ceed­ingly un­for­tu­nate that it did not be­come a means of spir­i­tual sal­va­tion in a larger sense.

195:3.9Even a good re­li­gion could not save a great em­pire from the sure re­sults of lack of in­di­vid­ual par­tic­i­pa­tion in the af­fairs of gov­ern­ment, from over­much pa­ter­nal­ism, over­tax­a­tion and gross col­lec­tion abuses, un­bal­anced trade with the Lev­ant which drained away the gold, amuse­ment mad­ness, Ro­man stan­dard­iza­tion, the degra­da­tion of woman, slav­ery and race deca­dence, phys­i­cal plagues, and a state church which be­came in­sti­tu­tion­al­ized nearly to the point of spir­i­tual bar­ren­ness.

195:8.4It re­quired a great power, a mighty in­flu­ence, to free the think­ing and liv­ing of the West­ern peo­ples from the with­er­ing grasp of a to­tal­i­tar­ian ec­cle­si­as­ti­cal dom­i­na­tion. Sec­u­lar­ism did break the bonds of church con­trol, and now in turn it threat­ens to es­tab­lish a new and god­less type of mas­tery over the hearts and minds of mod­ern man. The tyran­ni­cal and dic­ta­to­rial po­lit­i­cal state is the di­rect off­spring of sci­en­tific ma­te­ri­al­ism and philo­sophic sec­u­lar­ism. Sec­u­lar­ism no sooner frees man from the dom­i­na­tion of the in­sti­tu­tion­al­ized church than it sells him into slav­ish bond­age to the to­tal­i­tar­ian state. Sec­u­lar­ism frees man from ec­cle­si­as­ti­cal slav­ery only to be­tray him into the tyranny of po­lit­i­cal and eco­nomic slav­ery.

Onward

See charity: by government

See also civilization; Urantia: celestial government; civilization; competition; eugenics; continental nation; courts; inferiors; courts; human rights; institutions; industry; legislatures; justice; nations; law; patriotism; military; police; profit; regulation (governmental); taxation; sovereignty; taxation

Cited alongside: gospel, Jesus, civilization, religion, compulsion, Most Highs, red race, war